Muslim Village Intellectuals: The Life of the Mind in Northern Pakistan

by Magnus Marsden, Edited by Diane Mines, Sarah Lamb
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Muslim Village Intellectuals: The Life of the Mind in Northern Pakistan
Author(s):
Magnus Marsden
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2010
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Everyday life in South Asia
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Diane Mines, Sarah Lamb
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Indiana University Press
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263
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274
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2nd ed.
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English
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20

'Muslim Village Intellectuals: The Life

of the Mind in Northern Pakistan

Magnus Marsden

Today more than ever before, there is a need for sophisticated anthropological

insight into the forms of individual and collective self-transformation

for which the problematic term "Islamization" has come to be widely used,

Among both academics and popular commentators, the "Islamizing" process

is often represented as a matter of irresistible pressures to embrace a

single, all-powerful model of moral and spiritual perfection based on behavioral

codes derived either from Qur'anic texts or from the teachings of

Islamic jurists and other authorities, So-called village Muslims are often said

to be either straightforwardly resistant or meekly submissive and uncritical

in their responses to the calls of self-styled Islamic purists and reformers, I

present a very different account of the processes of Islamization in Chitral,

a region of northern Pakistan that has been profoundly affected by movements

of both local and global Islamic activism, including the rise and fall of

the Taliban regime in nearby Afghanistan, and the effects of regional conflict

involving the region's majority Sunni and Shia Ismaili sectarian communities.

I

For the last seven years my fieldwork among the Khowar-speaking

people of this remote and beautiful mountain area has taken me to exuberant

week-long polo tournaments played out on dusty poplar-lined polo

grounds, and to night-time male-only public musical programs at which delighted

crowds have cheered touring performers combining exquisite Persianate

verse with penetrating contemporary satire, Above all, on the road

in crowded minibuses with long-distance travelers, and in local homes and

teashops, I have taken part in endless hours of conversation with my Chitrali

friends, all of whom spend their days and nights in continual exploration of

the arts of conversation, interpersonal debate, and public verbal exposition,

From Anthropology Today 21(1), February 2005, pp. 10-15. Reproduced with permission of Blackwell

Publishing Ltd.

bz

264 / Practicing Religion

Figure 20.1. View of Markaz, the administrative center of Chitral District.

They are people who value verbal skill and emotional refinement to a very

high degree. They are also people who think, react, and question when they

are caJled upon to change their ways or conform to new standards of spirituality

and behavior. Their reactions to the demands of so-called Islamizers

are not necessarily dismissive or hostile. What they do believe is that an individual

wishing to live weJl and in tune with divine will must cultivate his or

her mental faculties, exerCising critical thought and what an anthropologist

would call emotional intelligence on an everyday basis.

Everything I saw and experienced in Chitral made me realize that the

best recent studies of life and thought in the Muslim world have been right

to insist on the complexity and diversity of what it means to live a Muslim

life. Anthropological work on, for instance, veiling practices (Brenner

1996) and the impact of new media on Muslim thought and identity (e.g.,

Eickelman and Anderson 1999) has furnished insights into Muslim life that

contest models which seek to explain the homogenization and "perfection"

of Muslim thought and identity in the contemporary world. What is scarce

in specialist academic writing, however, is rich ethnographic insight into

the ways in which Islamizing messages are received by village Muslims. So

when I attended musical programs in Chitral at which the most requested

performance entailed a local poet imitating one of the region's most powerful

pro-Taliban muJlahs, did this mean that the Chitral region was simply an

Muslim Village Intellectuals / 265

eccentric holdout in an otherwise Islamized world, or could the daily lives of

Chitral people furnish broader insights into the thought and experience of

Muslims living in rural regions of the contemporary Muslim world?

FLYING COACHES: CHITRAL AND THE FRONTIER

Chitral is Pakistan's northernmost administrative district, and a part of the

North West Frontier province. It is a poor and relatively remote region; in

winter all roads to the region are blocked by snow. Chitral is different in

many ways from other regions of the Frontier. The Frontier is dominated

politically and numerically by Pashto-speaking Pukhtuns, who have been

the focus of sustained research in anthropology.' Yet most if not all Chitral

people, who call themselves Chitrali or Kho, are proud to assert that they

are different in profoundly important ways from their Pashtun neighbors.3

The main language spoken in Chitral, Khawar, is an Indo-Aryan language

unintelligible to both Pashto- and Urdu-speakers.' Moreover, unlike in other

districts of the Frontier province, there is a substantial population of Shia

Ismailis, who are also Chitrali Khawar speakers, in the region. Many Sunni

Muslims in Chitral and elsewhere in Pakistan hold that the Ismaili Islamic

tradition is a deviation from pure Islam.' There have, indeed, been episodes

of violent conflict between Sunni and Ismaili Muslims in Chitral, yet they

continue to live together largely peacefully in many of the region's villages.

While Chitral is different in important ways from other regions of the

Frontier, Chitral people are conscious and informed about what they call

"down Pakistan" and the "outside world." One topic of discussion for many

Chitral people is the nature and impact on their own lives of religious education

as currently taught in Pakistan's Islamic seminaries (madrasas). Madrasas

are an important dimension of life for many Chitral people: attending

religious seminaries has been a major form of education for people in the

region for at least the last fifty years, yet since the mid-1980s, the number

of young Chitrali boys studying in ethnically diverse but largely Pukhtundominated

Deobandi madrasas has increased considerably.'

The impact of messages emerging from radical Islamic religious seminaries

(madrasas), both in Pakistan's Frontier province and elsewhere, on

the thought processes of Muslims is now a focus of attention among many

academic and popular commentators. Yet much of this work takes as selfevident

that these messages are homogeneous and that their reception is

uncontested, especially in poor and geographically remote regions of the

Muslim world, where madrasas are often assumed by outsiders to be a focus

of enthusiastic allegiance and even armed militancy. There are, however,

few detailed ethnographic studies of this process of reception. More general

models tend to represent the village Muslims' reception of "reformist Islam"

either as a reflection of ignorance of normative Islamic doctrines in rural

266 / Practicing Religion

Figure 20.2. A Chitrali village elder.

settings or as straightforward resistance or meek submission to forms of religious

authority originating from sophisticated urban centers.'

However, I found such approaches unhelpful in coming to an appreciation

of the complexity of the ways in which Chitral people tackle the task

of being Muslim in a world where both madrasas and an array of religiouspolitical

movements connected to them (including the Taliban) are powerful

and influential. This is not to say that Chitral is untouched by radical Muslim

teachings about contentious issues such as the veiling of the women and the

supposedly un-Islamic nature of both local customs and the Western media:

both of these concerns are the topic of addresses made from the pulpits of

the region's mosques, and small explosive devices have been used to destroy

the satellite dishes that beam both Indian and Western television channels

into the region's relatively wealthier houses and tea shops. Yet there was a

very wide range of responses to such messages. This range included Muslims

who professed ardent allegiance to the most vigorous kinds of Islamist

positions, others who were critical but appreciative of Islamizing messages,

and yet others who were publicly outspoken in their opposition and criticism.

In a region in which two contrasting Islamic doctrinal traditions coexist,

this diversity makes living a Muslim life in Chitral even more complex

and fraught, and the relationship between Chitral people who respond in diverse

ways to radical Islamizing messages is the source of much discussion

in the region's villages and small towns. Yet what is striking is that while in

some cases such relations result in moments of open and even aggressive

conflict, in other situations the debate is heated but nevertheless considered

intellectually stimulating and of inherent value to those involved.

Muslim Village Intellectuals ! 267

Chitrali religious students (talib-e ilm) bring back to the region the teachings

they have learned in madrasas elsewhere in Pakistan: when they return

to their villages for their summer holidays, wearing "down country" -style

prayer caps, they often try to persuade their Sunni friends and family members

that their Ismaili neighbors are non-Muslim infidels; they may attempt

to stop their brothers from playing music with friends in the village, and

throwaway the bottles of home-brewed red wine they find hidden beneath

their fathers' beds. Yet Chitral people do not unthinkingly defer to the pronouncements

of their "little brothers" (phuk brargini) who have studied in

the madrasas of "down Pakistan." One place where the vibrant nature of

the engagement between the talib-e ilm and Chitral people less inclined toward

the puritanical Islamic lifestyle they preach is most clearly evident is

in the convoys of minibuses that make the fourteen-hour journey between

the headquarters of the Frontier, Peshawar city, and Markaz, the region's

administrative center. The journey for all passengers-for the most part Chitra!

people, with the occasional group of Punjabi tourists, Afghan refugees,

and religiOUS preachers from "down Pakistan"-is uncomfortable, hot, and

tiring. Yet it can also be full of laughter and joking: Chitrali students put

much energy into persuading the Pukhtun bus drivers to play cassettes of

their favorite Chitrali love songs, and they click their fingers to the sound of

the drivers' favorite Indian music hits. Since October 2002, when a coalition

of religious parties was elected to government in the Frontier's Provincial

Assembly, the police have also been instructed to ensure that music is not

played in public transport on the region's roads. Most drivers claim, however,

that the mullahs have no power to prevent them deciding what to listen

to in the confines of their minibuses. "What power do the mullahs have to

beat my backside? If I want music, I play music," was the response of many

Chitral drivers I spoke to.

More worrying than the holders of authority and morality outside the

bus, however, are their less infiuential but equally fervent supporters within.

Playing music in the confined space of the minibus is a great source of irritation

to the young madrasa students who, fingering their rosary beads and

stroking their newly sprouting beards, plead with the driver (us/az, literally

"teacher") to turn off the music and playa Qur'anic recitation cassette instead.

Such disputes are rarely completely resolved, but the drivers, mostly

Chitrali and Pashtun men, leaning over the wheel of their vehicle, smoking

cigarettes and hashish out of the window; and periodically stuffing chewing

tobacco (naswar) into their mouths, often tell the aspiring mullahs that

if the music is turned off they will crash into the deep ravine below. These

young religious men are, then, seen as having the capacity to silence ChitraJ

people, stop them from engaging in free and intelligent discussion, and,

critically, transform their emotional states by preventing them from experiencing

"open" (kulao) and "happy" (khoshan) moods, making them, instead,

"frightened" and "bored." In spite of these pressures, however, many Chitral

people are prepared to engage volubly and critically both in their presence

268 ! Practicing Religion

and with the young scholars themselves; acting against the "little Taliban's"

religious injunctions also offers Chitral men a chance to display masculine

bravado.

POLITE GATHERINGS

Despite the severe difficulties of life in their homeland (watan), most Chitral

people breathe a sigh of relief when they disembark from the minibuses that

have carried them home from Peshawar and other down country Pakistani

cities. Many say that there is greater peace (seoon) in the villages of Chitral,

and that they are saved from the speed (tezie) of city life. Yet at the same time,

they also speak of their lives as being full of tension (tensien) and anxiety

(pereshani): unemployment, loans, and the unfriendly behavior of neighbors

who should ideally be affectionate and loving are all enough to send most

sensitive (ihsaz korak) Chitral people into periods of tensien. In this setting of

sadness and anxiety one way in which many Chitral people seek enjoyment

in their daily lives is through the shared experience of music and dance. During

my stay in Chitral a great deal of my time was spent attending musical

programs at which local musicians, poets, and comedians perform. Indeed,

the sound of music was an ever-present feature of life in the region: cassettes

of local Khowar music were constantly playing in the region's houses, jeeps,

and shops, and my friends and I often traveled along dark mountain roads

in search of musical entertainment for the evening.

There is a diverse tradition of musical performance in Chitral-the musical

programs I explore here are known as gatherings, or the mahfil, and are

characterized by their almost tea-party-Iike politeness. We would gather in

the early evening for a meal of roast meats and rice in a friend's house; importantly,

the hosts as well as the guests included both Ismaili and Sunni

Muslims.' In the host's house my friends and I would always have to be

on best behavior: we would stand when someone entered or left the room,

deferentially offer glasses of water, and address our friends as the "veins of

our heart" (hardio batin). Depending on the company we were in, sometimes

before we ate or started to listen to the musicians perform we would share

a bottle of home-brewed mulberry spirit, and on other occasions in more

pious company prayers were offered before the entertainments began. Wine

(sharab), my more "free" friends would often tell me, is supposed to "clean

the heart" and stimulate engaging and meaningful conversation, unlike

hashish (bong), which has the capacity to make clean minds dirty and generate

sexual and immoral thoughts. When my friends did drink, however,

they did so looking over their shoulder, and mostly behind locked doors: the

region's religious authorities were not averse to naming "drunkards" from

the villages, declaring them infidels, and shaming them in their addresses

in the region's mosques.

Muslim Village Intellectuals / 269

The expert musicians who attended these musical programs were amateur

performers: they did not accept payment for their music, but played,

rather, for the sake of interest (shauq) and a love of music. When not playing

in the houses of their friends, the musicians worked as shopkeepers, medical

assistants, forestry officers, telephone exchange operators, and members of

the police force, but they were also local celebrities in the region. Like those

in attendance, the members of the musical group were also a mix of Ismailis

and Sunnis-indeed, their lead singer was an Ismaili man in his mid-twenties.

The instruments they played included the local four-stringed Chitral

sitar, the jeer can (an empty petrol can used as a drum), a large daff (tambourine),

and twin kettledrums, or damama. The musicians would accompany

the voice of the lead singer of the group, and he would sing, mostly, modern

Khawar love songs written by local poets. One popular song composed by

a Sunni man in his mid-thirties and often recited was "If the heart is not

troubled, then who will write the love song? If there is no dew on the green

mountain pasture then who will write the love song?"

The songs performed, while recently composed by Chitral poets, drew

upon older traditions of Persianate Sufi poetry: many of them described

the pain of the heart (hardio dard) caused by separation from a lover, compared

the broken heart to the shards of glass from a smashed bottle of wine,

and described how love had made the "intellect astonished, but the heart

compelled" ('aq/ hairan magam hardi majboor). These love songs, then, were

reflections on the possibility of losing control of the intellect through the

experience of heightened emotional states induced by love. Indeed, many of

the musicians and poets told me that their work was deeply influenced by

the real-life experience of love relationships. The emphasis on losing control

of the conventions of daily polite behavior increased as the evenings

progressed: the melancholic music speeded up, men who liked to dance

stood and performed, and they were given encouragement by clapping and

whoops of laughter and hisses of joy. Dancing with their arms outstretched,

feet gently moving to the beat of their drum, men threw their heads back,

looked skyward, and spun to the rhythm of the music. Many of the mahfil

goers also commented that only someone with a deep knowledge of the music

could ever experience its effects to their full extent. These Chitral people

made clear connections about the interconnectedness of emotional and intellectual

processes, and emphasized the desirability of these for their daily

lives.

These programs are loved for more than just their music and dance, however.

During the middle stage of a musical program of this type, men in the

room who were known to be excellent impersonators would stand up and

imitate people: one of the favorite impersonations during my stay in the region

was of a religious scholar from the region who was a known supporter

of the Taliban. The man who performed this impersonation, Mufti, was a

well-known love poet, though he also claimed to be a supporter of the Is270

! Practicing Religion

lamist Jama'at-e Islami party-an important Islamist political party powerful

in Pakistan and known for supporting the introduction of a strict shari'a

legal code.' Yet in the setting of the mahfil Mufti sat with his legs crossed,

pointed his finger in the air, and gave comic fatwas (religious edicts) concerning

what was and was not permissible for Muslims. Men would "lose" their

"senses" laughing as they saw Mufti reincarnated as a well-known Chitrali

religious scholar telling the audience that so long as there was no woman in

the room then, for Muslims, anything was permissible. However, Mufti had

also caught the attention of the region's religious authorities: they told him

that he had committed blasphemy in his love songs, and was acting in an

un-Islamic way by imitating one of the region's most famous and respected

"bearded ones." And there were even some followers of the musical group

itself who claimed that Mufti overstepped the mark in his imitations of the

mullah, and was on the verge of apostasy.

The diversity of opinions and attitudes among Muslims in Chitral does

not reflect any simple division between those in the region who are unaware

of Islamic doctrinal norms and those who have been informed about such

standards and have subsequently altered their behavior in order to become

"true Muslims." Neither can these performers be categorized simply as traditionalists

resisting reform-minded Muslims-many of them are themselves

supporters of parties and movements promoting Islamic reform and

purification. Rather, what is visible in Mufti's imitation of the mullah is that

Chitral Muslims not only have diverse opinions about living a Muslim life,

but also actively handle this diversity by continually exploring and discussing

it; they are involved in relations founded upon dynamic and sometimes

argumentative engagement about issues of great importance for them. The

enjoyment of the mahfil, then, is not only about the experience of altered

emotional states: a significant component of its fun (mazah) is the display of

critical and creative intellectual prowess.

LOCAL PHILOSOPHERS

It is not, however, only in the ecstatic moments of shared joy in music and

dance that Chitral people act in ways that challenge both the pronounce- \

ments of the region's ulama and dominant Western stereotypes about the

state of Muslim thought and identity in the contemporary world. There is

also a tradition of critical debate and discussion that is an active, valued,

and ongoing feature of everyday life in the villages of Chitra!. In the village

in which I mostly stayed, the most Significant way of passing the time was

discussion and sometimes acrimonious debate with one's fellow-villagers.

Moreover, where we might expect the discussions of village Muslims in a

remote region of Pakistan to be narrowly confined either to the discussion of

Islamic doctrine and practice or to concerns of family honor and reputation,

the intellectual life of the village Muslims with whom I lived broached sensir

Muslim Village Intellectuals / 271

Figure 20.3. Chitrali village schoolgirls picnicking on a

day out in the mountain pastures in spring.

tive issues that are important in the present day, and they see the village as

both having and needing to sustain an intellectual life.

Chitral people distinguish between mindless gossip lfaltu mashkulgik)

and mindful discussion and debate (bhas korik): the former is often viewed

as being bad for both individual health and village morality, the latter as an

important way of relieving the boredom of village life and improving the

standards of failing village moraiity. Furthermore, it is not only the village's

male, educated, and wealthy few who engage in such discussions: while

some of the people engaged in it were men who were well-educated by local

standards, less well-educated men and, strikingly, women also often played

an important part in these discussions. Moreover, even illiterate folk in the

region were recognized as having the ability to contribute in thoughtful and

critical ways to conversations about an array of interconnecting themes important

for the villagers: they are known by their fellow villagers as "local

philosophers" (watani falsafa).

My friends were, they often told me, eager to discuss complex and abstract

ideas, and we would spend long afternoons sitting on metal garden

chairs in the orchard of a friend, drinking tea, eating mulberries, apricots,

and apples, and enjoying conversation and debate. In these discussions one

theme of great importance for my friends was the nature of the act and experience

of thought. I was often told that "true" thought flies high and free,

is the sign of a good and intelligent person, and that free thinkers appear

happy and fat. Yet many villagers also had great anxieties about thought. I

was often told that those who became lost in thought soon became thin and

weak: thinking too much alone, unlike thought allowed to pour out in a

sociable exchange of ideas, was dangerous and to be avoided at all cost. Chitral

villagers, then, see thought as something that has positive and negative

272 / Practicing Religion

dimensions, and understand it as being intimately connected to both bodily

and mental well-being.

One of my friends, Aftab, a Sunni man in his early thirties, had master's

degrees in both international relations and political science. His father

and mother were both uneducated, and he was unemployed: despite his

high levels of educational achievement he had found it impossible to realize

his dream, which was to work in Pakistan's prestigious civil service. As

a beneficiary of a master's-level education, Aftab was not in any sense an

atypical villager: most of his friends in the village had studied for master's

degrees in subjects such as Urdu literature, sociology, and political science.

According to many analyses of contemporary Islam this is exactly the type

of Muslim whom we would expect to become a supporter of one of the many

Islamist parties now powerful in Pakistan-full with the passion of education,

schooled in the teachings of Islam, and angered by his inability to

enter a lucrative position in the state of Pakistan, Aftab could easily be assumed

to have turned to anti-state, anti-Western, and jihad-oriented forms

of Islamism." Indeed, Aftab was a one-time supporter of Pakistan's Islamist

Jama'at-e Islami party, and many of his friends told me that while at college

he was very religious: he had prayed regularly and made friends with

religious scholars and teachers. Yet Aftab had now cultivated a reputation

for being something of a thinker (soorch korak) in his village-this was something

of which he was proud, especially when his friends and neighbors

called him kabil (intelligent), a philosopher ifalsafa), and, perhaps most importantly

of all, "a man with an open mind" (kulao dimargho mosh).

Aftab loved nothing more than voicing provocative statements before

gatherings of the village's youth (juanan) and sometimes, even, the respected

elders (lilotan). On one occasion, while sitting in the orchard of a Sunni

friend who had married that day, he said loudly to a gathering of about ten

young Sunni and Ismaili men that if they wanted to live a truly Islamic life

of purity and honesty then instead of kissing their girlfriends in secret behind

the darkened bushes by the river, they should embrace them openly in

the village's alleys and lanes: "honesty and openness," he declared, "should

be even more important for Muslims than shari'a" (the Islamic legal code).

Aftab went on to tell one of his friends sitting with him, Majid, a Sunni man

of about thirty who had a master's degree in sociology and who claimed to

support the Taliban, that his dream of a utopian Islamic government was a

false one: such a form of government, Aftab declared, would simply push

more things under the surface and make the system and people's minds

more hypocritical even than now. For Aftab, it was openness that Pakistan

and its people needed, not secrecy (koashteik). Some of the boys listening to

the conversation were now giggling into their handkerchiefs, and some of

Aftab's more Islamist-inclined friends did say they thought he had gone mad

(gaderi). Aftab himself once toid" me that one of the village elders had told

him that it "had reached his ears" thatAftab's once impeccable Islamic standards

had slipped, and he was reported to be saying things against Islam

Muslim Village Intellectuals / 273

and the "bearded ones." Aftab was clearly upset by this gossip, yet he was

also proud of the reputation he had earned as "open-minded," and was considered

by most if not all villagers to be a greatly valued feature of village

life.

Gaining a reputation for being a "local intellectual" or "open-minded,"

then, is not easy; nor does such a reputation come without its fair share of

stress and anxiety. For not only are the standards that villagers set for "openminded"

thought and behavior complex and subtle, so too there are many

forces in the village that work to constrain the degree to which people can

think and behave "freely." What is critical, however, is that the constant

struggle to demonstrate the possibility of generating independent intellectual

ideas and standards, and taking an individual stand on matters of great

personal significance, is one that is recognized as having the potential of

unleashing unsettling anxieties-yet despite these dangers, is considered

good, valuable, and worthy of personal sacrifice.

CONCLUSION

The diversity of opinion about how to live a Muslim life in Chitral is not

merely the product of competition between divergent Islamic doctrinal traditions.

Nor should it be understood as a manifestation of "ethnicized" religious

and cultural values in the region. What I have sought to show in this

article is that in both village and urban settings, Chitral people have found

creative and distinctive ways of living together. They do not always do so

peaceably or even sociably, and they are certainly not immune to the sectarian

differences and other sources of tension that generate violent conflict in

their own and other Muslim societies. Nevertheless, in almost everything

they do both within and beyond the private spaces of the household and

hamlet, the Chitralis I know manifest a continual recognition that the life of

a good Muslim is a mindful life, in which the play of refined and emotionally

sensitive thought processes is and should be a critical element of everyday

human interaction. These are convictions that both the women and men

I know bring to bear on their engagement with authority and their sense of

their own individuality, and they are enacted above all in their reflective and

energetic engagement in a world of often painful and disturbing change and

unpredictability.

NOTES

1. I first lived Chitral as a school-Ieaver in 1995 and made three subsequent visits

before conducting a 20-month period of "formal" anthropological fieldwork in the

region between April 2000 and October 2001. This period of fieldwork was followed

up by three further shorter stays.

274 / Practicing Religion

2. The most detailed studies of Pukhtun society are Barth 1959, Ahmed 1983,

. Lindholm 1982, and Banerjee 2000.

3. There are a number of colonial accounts by British soldier-scholars of Chitral:

see, especially, Robertson 1899 and O'Brien 1895. On the region's history, see Parkes

2001.

4. Many Chitral people do, however, understand and speak Urdu; those educated

beyond the age of 16 are often also competent in English, and Chitral people

who have lived in other regions of the Frontier are often fluent Pashta-speakers.

5. On sectarian conflict in Pakistan, see NasI 2000.

6. The number of religious seminaries in Pakistan's Frontier Province has increased

greatly over the last 20 years; most of these are affiliated to the reformist

Deobandi school, and Chittal is a major center for the recruitment of students for

these seminaries (see Malik 1996). On the history and development of Pakistan's

rnadrasa network, see Zaman 2002.

7. In both academic and popular literature, reform-minded Muslims of many

different doctrinal traditions are widely referred to as fundamentalists and 1slamists.

While it is important not to oversimplify, I will employ the term "reformist"

to describe the wide range of "bearded ones" (rigisweni) whom Chitrali villagers and

townsfolk see as adherents of strict, reform-minded Qur'anic forms of Islam. Such

folk are also referred to as "hardened" (sahl), "preachers" (labUgh!), and "extremists"

(imtihai pasand).

8. Women never attended this mahfil type of musical program. While women

and girls did enjoy listening to local Khowar-Ianguage music in the privacy of their

own homes, they also often told me that they preferred the more "modern" and

lively Hindi film cassettes their male relatives bought in the bazaar for them.

9. On the Jama'at-e Islami, see Nasr 1994.

10. See Kepel 2002.

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AlibrisGood Shows some signs of wear, and may have some markings on the inside. Shipped to over one million happy customers. Your purchase benefits world literacy!US$ 10.27 US$ 3.50US$ 13.77
AlibrisVery good A copy that has been read, but remains in excellent condition. Pages are intact and are not marred by notes or highlighting, but may contain a neat previous owner name. The spine remains undamaged. At ThriftBooks, our motto is: Read More, Spend Less.US$ 13.61 US$ 3.50US$ 17.11
AlibrisFine. Glued binding. Paper over boards. 566 p. Contains: Illustrations, black & white, Maps. In Stock. 100% Money Back Guarantee. Brand New, Perfect Condition, allow 4-14 business days for standard shipping. To Alaska, Hawaii, U.S. protectorate, P.O. box, and APO/FPO addresses allow 4-28 business days for Standard shipping. No expedited shipping. All orders placed with expedited shipping will be cancelled. Over 3, 000, 000 happy customers.US$ 59.59 US$ 3.50US$ 63.09
AlibrisFine. Glued binding. Paper over boards. 566 p. Contains: Illustrations, black & white, Maps. In Stock. 100% Money Back Guarantee. Brand New, Perfect Condition, allow 4-14 business days for standard shipping. To Alaska, Hawaii, U.S. protectorate, P.O. box, and APO/FPO addresses allow 4-28 business days for Standard shipping. No expedited shipping. All orders placed with expedited shipping will be cancelled. Over 3, 000, 000 happy customers.US$ 61.19 US$ 3.50US$ 64.69
AlibrisFine. Glued binding. Paper over boards. 566 p. Contains: Illustrations, black & white, Maps.US$ 63.74 US$ 3.50US$ 67.24
AlibrisNew. Glued binding. Paper over boards. 566 p. Contains: Illustrations, black & white, Maps. In Stock. 100% Money Back Guarantee. Brand New, Perfect Condition, allow 4-14 business days for standard shipping. To Alaska, Hawaii, U.S. protectorate, P.O. box, and APO/FPO addresses allow 4-28 business days for Standard shipping. No expedited shipping. All orders placed with expedited shipping will be cancelled. Over 3, 000, 000 happy customers.US$ 107.10 US$ 3.50US$ 110.60
AlibrisNew. Glued binding. Paper over boards. 566 p. Contains: Illustrations, black & white, Maps. In Stock. 100% Money Back Guarantee. Brand New, Perfect Condition, allow 4-14 business days for standard shipping. To Alaska, Hawaii, U.S. protectorate, P.O. box, and APO/FPO addresses allow 4-28 business days for Standard shipping. No expedited shipping. All orders placed with expedited shipping will be cancelled. Over 3, 000, 000 happy customers.US$ 107.10 US$ 3.50US$ 110.60
AlibrisNew. Glued binding. Paper over boards. 566 p. Contains: Illustrations, black & white, Maps.US$ 107.10 US$ 3.50US$ 110.60
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