Ottilie Assing's View of America in the Context of Travel Literature by 19th-Century German Women

by Tamara Felden
Ottilie Assing's View of America in the Context of Travel Literature by 19th-Century German Women
Tamara Felden
The German Quarterly
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Ottilie Assing's View of America in the Context of Travel Literature by 19th-Century German Women

In the discussion of travel literature by German(-speaking) women writers, sever- al factors have to be takeninto account. One of them is the region visited by the author. An immigration country like America in- spired texts of a very different nature than those about the Orient or England, for ex- ample. Travel narratives about America were often not written from the position of a somewhat detached visitor, but from the perspective of one trying to become familiar with a new home country. Expectations of and experiences in America, therefore, have avery unique flavor. Since the women to be discussed here settled in America on a permanent basis, they encountered specific problems not faced by a visitor on a brief journey. Dorothea Stuecher's book Ttvice Removed deals particularlywith the experi- ences of 19th-century German-American immigrant women in the context ofthe writ- ings of Therese Robinson, Mathilde Fran- ziska Anneke, and Kathinka Sutro-Schiik- king.l According to Stuecher, these women were in "double jeopardy." They were for- eigners and, as such, excluded from the dominant culture as awhole. But as women they also experienced exclusion from the male sphere, that is, from the dominant group within their own culture. Men, whose role asbreadwinners put them in constant contact with Americans, were assumed to assimilate by force of necessity. At the same time, however, the maintenance of one's 'Beutschtum," or Germanness, was viewed as highly desirable in the immigrant community.And since women in their more isolated domestic sphere were under much

The German Quarterly

65.4-4 (Summer-Fall 1992)

less pressure to assimilate, the role of 'Xu1turtragerin"-preserver of the cultural heritage-fell to them. This created entire- ly different sets of expectations for Ameri- can and German-American women, and the latter were thus relegated to the isolated realm which Stuecher so aptly calls "twice removed."

At the same time, one has to differenti- ate between German women's expectations of the United States, their actual experi- ences there, and the representation of America in their narratives. These three factors were inextricably connected with the authors' motivations for travel.

Janis P. Stout has studied journey nar- ratives at length, and while she deals with texts about fictitious travels, her bookyields several important points of departure for the discussion of works based on real jour- neys by women of the 19th century.2 Stout argues thatjourneys can be roughly divided into three categories: the journey of dis- covery, the escape, and the founding of a new home. Among German-speaking women writers, Ida PfeSer could be men- tioned as one who traveled in America as an explorer. Most other writers undertake their often worldwide journeys partially as an escape and partially in search of a-so- cially as well as geographically-free space where an existence apart from restrictive gender norms might be possible. This holds true particularly where America is con- cerned. Stout recalls the work of Paul Zweig, who had stated that in the literature of the 18th and 19th centuries one finds the

development of a characteristic hero whose adventure is the act of breaking out of restraint, breakingpast barriers. He is a hem of 'instinctual' and often amoral free- dom whose characteristic journey is the journey out, the escape. 3

This statement holds true for the male hero exclusively, since women who broke out of restraints were by no means applauded. They committed a serious breach of societal expectations. Yet this statement very ac- curately describes the quality of breakingout in the journeys of many 19th-century women travelers. In light of social conditions, it is hardly surprising that they experienced travelingas an escape. Annegret Pelz defines the decision to lead a life of travel as the attemptto escape, from lackingacknowledge- ment for women in general, and points to biographical information and specific flight- inducing circumstances in the lives of some women writer^.^ After all, they do not leave their homes within the context of a young man's tour to conclude his education or in search of geographic or metaphoric new worlds. For him, such a journey would be

a victory, a rite of passage in celebration of personal transcendence. By escaping, the lone hero pronounces judgement on his society, implicitly shaking its dust from his feet in assertion of his freedom from its conventionalism or corruption.5

Such behavior was reserved for the male sex. Women were expected to obey the social structure, and-lacking other means of es- caping it-they sometimes chose to travel, usually against the strong advice of family and friends. Such journeys, then,

share an overall structure of movement away from society toward unfamiliar or unsocialized space. The main differences among them are related to the issue of motivating force. 6

This concept has been discussed by several scholars, notably ~llerdisseny eld den,^ pel=? and Stout. May it suffice here to state that women who left their homes to travel were not viewed as rightfully passing nega- tive judgment on the social structures with their inherent lack of possibilities for female articulation. Rather, the women themselves were considered at fault for the incapacity of fitting into their "natural" place. The bi- ographies of such authors as Ida Hahn- Hahn, Fanny Lewald, Ida PfeBer, and Ottilie Assing-to name just a few--demon- strate this vividly Women attempted to es- cape lives of isolation, forced marriages of convenience, unbearable family situations, or simply had to travel and earn a living through their travel narratives, if no male relative was able or willing to provide for them. Women who ventured to another con- tinent with the expectation of making there a new home often connected idealistic, some- times even utopian, expectations with the free New World.

One writer who is particularly inter- esting and paradigmatic of the gender- specific circumstances described above is Ottilie Assing, the"b1acksheep"of theVarn- hagen family Assing was born in 1819, the daughter of Rosa Maria and David Assur. Both parents published poetry and be- longed to the highest literary circles in Ger- many. Rosa Maria was a sister of Karl August Varnhagen von Ense, and authors like Gutzkow, Hebbel, the Kerners, and the Mundts were among their friends. After the deaths of their parents in 1840 and 1842, respectively, Ottilie and her sister Ludmilla went to live with Varnhagen. Ludmilla remained with him until his death and somewhat took over Rahel Levin-Varn- hagen's position, both in the household and the literary salon (Rahel had died in 1833). But Ottilie's relationship with her uncle was another matter entirely. Feodor Wehl reports that on some occasion Assing in- furiated Varnhagen to such a degree that he struck her in the face in the presence of Wehl. ToWehl's surprise, this upset her so much that she ran out of the house and into the nearby park, where the servant of the family found her just as she was about to kill herself with a sharp pocket knife that she always carried with her.1°

This scenario reveals much about Assing's circumstances. An adult woman is struck by a man, yet the other man present is not amazed so much at the violence as at her strong reaction to it. Gender roles of the time are represented at their worst here. It is noteworthy that Assing always carried a knife with her, a rather "unfeminine" im- plement. And despite the somewhat theatrical quality of the occurrence, the fact that she intended to use it to kill herself points to an unusual level of psychological pressure. After this incident, Assing returned to her native Hamburg; the relationship between uncle and niece must have been a rather strained one before this outburst already, as the correspondence be- tween Varnhagen and Justinus Kerner in- dicates.11 Assing had remained in the Varnhagen household for less than two years.

In Hamburg, Assing initially lived as governess in the household of JeanBaptiste Baison. He was a celebrated actor and even- tually became director of the Thalia The- ater and Stadttheater. Assing obviously ad- mired him greatly, so much so that she invested her estate in his theaters. After his death in 1849, she anonymously published his biography Jean Baptiste Baison: Ein Leben in 1851.12 Baison had left his finan- cial affairs in great disorder, however, and Assing lost everything she had invested. In 1851, she beganwritingfor theMorgenblatt fhrgebildeteStande, published in Stuttgart by Cotta,13 which had already proven an important vehicle for such writers as Hein- rich Heine and other Young Germans as well asfor AnnettevonDroste-Hii1shoff.A~sing reported both on social and political questions and on the cultural scene in Ham- burg. But she was essentially without roots. Her parents were dead; the relationship with her uncle and her sister was strained; the man and artist with whom she had made something of a new life was now also dead; and in the political arena the hopes to which she, too, had aspired were dashed.

On the other hand, Amalie Schoppe, Assing's longtime friend, had emigrated to America to find a new life there. Her reports may have contributed to Assing's decision to follow her, to leave behind a country where she had known much unhappiness, and did not see prospects for a happy and fulfilling future. She left Germany for America in 1852.

Assing took a post as teacher in a school for girls in New York, where she eventually rose to the position of principal. At the same time, she began to travel in America and to write about her experiences. She showed a lively interest in all aspects of the new coun- try, particularly in progressive social and political movements. Among her first reports are those about antislavery meet- ings and avisit to the New Yorkstate prison "Sing-Sing." Assing's political and social convictions were commented upon by Emil Ermatinger in his biography of Gottfried Keller: both Assing sisters were considered "critical individuals of fanatically Young- German convictions, advocating the eman- cipation of women, and admiring George Sand as its high priestess."14 The fact that Ludmilla, Ottilie, and several other ladies, during a festive high-society occasion, con- sumed large quantities of champagne and smoked large Havana cigars scandalized Keller.15 It also shows that the Assings had no qualms in overstepping the boundaries set for the "air sex." Obviously unafraid of flamboyance, Ottilie Assing took a public stance on one of the burning issues of the time: she involved herself deeply in the Abolition Movement.

In the year 1856, Assing set out to meet Frederick Douglass, and a close relation- ship developed which was to last more than a quarter of a century. She translated his memoirs, in which he tells ofhisescape from slavery,16 and she became involved in the inner circle around Douglass. Terry Pickett states:

Assing's advocacy of the Abolition move- ment and her friendship with Frederick Douglass led to her being at least on the periphery of John Brown's raid on Harper's Ferry. The Morgenblatt editors thought better of publishing her detailed account of the events, to which she brings an intimate knowledge hardly available to a disinterested outsider.17

This insider position, combined with the fact that Assing, together with Eduard Pelz and Hermann Raster, was one of the foremost correspondents for the Morgenblatt during the American Civil War era, indicates that her reports contributed considerably to the picture Germany had of America.

Two main topics in Assing's description of the American scene are the Women's Movement and the Abolition Movement. For a well-educated, emancipation-minded foreign woman, these movements offered the chance for meaningful participation. And since Assing's involvement in the Aboli- tion Movement has been documented to some extent (Felden, McFeeley,18 Pick- ettlg), I will here concentrate on her views onAmerican women. Her extensive interest in questions regarding women may well have contributed to the fact that literary criticism has ignored her so thoroughly. In the words of one critic who wrote about Amalie Schoppe's contributions to the Morgenblatt: "One cannot expect any serious or important sociological or political criticism . . . She speaks more of women than of men."20 While Schoppe's and Assing's journalistic contributions are not to be viewed in the same qualitative vein, one cannot help suspecting that gender- rather than literary merit-was at issue here.

In 1848, the Women's Movement had of- ficially begun with a convention held in Seneca Falls, N.Y., and such "woman rights" advocates as Fanny Wright, Eliza- beth Cady Stanton, Lucy Stone, Susan B. Anthony, and others led the political drive for the emancipation of women. In Germa- ny, voices had also been raised in favor of greater rights for women-one could men- tion the writings of Louise Aston, Ida Hahn- Hahn, Fanny Lewald, Luise Miihlbach, and Luise Otto-Peters-but, during the 1840s and 1850s, no politically organized im- provements in the condition of women were made. Assing's perspective is particularly interesting for her German readers, espe- cially but not exclusively women, because she shares their bourgeois background and cultural experience while viewing the events in America from a position of politi- cally engaged association with her new homeland. She could therefore state with some authority that the 'koman question" in Germany was contained in a purely the- oretical and literary debate, and that she "was not aware that the attempt had been made anywhere to apply those theories in practice.'Q1 But in America this is different, Assing says, and she reports that recently the women of Massachusetts have ap- proached their parliament with the de- mand for the enfranchisement of women. Assing is by no means convinced that this demand will be fulfilled, but she points out that the appropriate commission is serious- ly examining it. She compares this to the attitude in Germany:

What do you think would happen if the women of some German state were to approach their government with such an ap- peal! What screaming there would be, reasoning about blue-stockings and the misunderstanding of woman's true nat- ural place!22

And while it was to take 72 years until women in the New World had actually won the right to vote, the seeds of that develop ment had been sown by the time Assing ar- rived in America.

In 1857, Assing visits a 'fvoman's right convention" in America, and she compares:

The great difference between European and American proponents of e~nancipation is the fact that there [in Germany] the idea is represented by intelligent but very impractical young men and women, which in its earliest development branded it with the stamp of impossibility, while here ex- perienced and generally respected men

have become strong defenders of the

emancipation of women. 23

She further points to the great diversity amongthose Americans fightingforwomen's rights, and mentions members of orthodox and atheistpupa as well as Quakers and Methodists. Thus, she argues, equal rights for women cannot be brushed aside as the special interest of just one group, and-con- trary to the situation in Germany-it is impossible to ridicule the common goal of such diverse camps. In Germany, Assing remem- bers, an emancipated woman is considered one who'bisits pubs inmen'sclothes, smokes cigars, chews tobacco even, and above all reduces her husband to the most miserable of henpecked men."5 In another report, As- sing reiterates that many men feel threat- ened by the emancipation ofwomen, because the greatest opponents of the idea are "men whose entire stature compared to women rests on their privileged position in society and would crumble to a heap, ifwomen were to be emancipated."26 In other words, she criticizes the fact that-in America asin Ger- many-men occupy a prevalent position not principally based on individual achievement but on gender. Assing takes a similar stance in her discussion of the franchise in America. Those who were against the enfranchise- ment of women argued that women lacked the necessary knowledge for the exercise of such a privilege. But Assing argues that

the most stupid and ignorant men, Ger-

mans who hardly understand a word of

English, or Irishmen who cannot read nor


write their native or their new language, are permitted to vote simply because they have been in the country for the required five-year period. 27

In view of the arguments against giving women the right to vote, Assing considers this ridiculous. She finds the arguments in favor of emancipation of women "so con- vincing and irrefutable that in an intel- lectually educated and civilized society these principles should go without saying.'28

Clearly, this presents both an appeal and a challenge to German readers.

In this and other reports, Assing dis- cusses the situation of women in America and, particularly, their legal situation extensively, and her argumentation shows insights often missing from reports of her male colleagues regarding American wom- en. In connection with voting rights for women, Assing asserts that women have to bear the same burden, pay the same taxes, and, ingeneral, have the same responsibili- ties in society as men. Therefore, it would be unconscionable to deny them the same rights. Assing cites specific examples of the shortcomings of current laws governing women in particular:

Among the issues they [women's rights ad- vocates] fight for, there is nothing that any righteously thinking man could object to. Who could, for example, support the regulation that, if a man dies intestate, the widow not only loses all but a third of his estate, but also most of the estate she her- self brought into the marriage, while his relatives receive the bulk of it? Who could back laws which would assign the educa- tion of the children in such a case not to the mother but to a guardian? Who could defend that women are being paid so much less than men for the same kind of work, and that, where a man receives five hun- dred dollars as a teacher, a woman re- ceives only two hundred?2g

While supporting the cause of the American Women's Movement in much of her writing, however, Assing is by no means uncritical in her descriptions of American women. In 1856,she had already spokendisappmvingly of their excessive use of make-up, bad teeth due to their love of sweets, their undisci- plined way of life, and the uncontrolled use of mercury to lighten their complexions. And while she supported the advancement of women to certain public offices in principle, she spoke scathingly of some womenwho had advancedto some of those very positions. She mentions that women in the United States wanted access to the highest levels ofeduca- tion, and that among them were "doctors,

public speakers, and preachers.'30 She goes on to describe some women who practiced these professions: the speaker Lucy Stone Blackwell, the physician Harriot Hunt, and the preacherAntoinette Brown. Assingcriti- cizes them all. What is more important, she measures them by a higher set of standards than she would have applied to a male rep resentative of the same profession. About Brown, Assing says: 'Tn broad leisureliness, she presents the same commonplace state- ments which have been stated to excess by a hundred thousand average male thinkers already.'S1 Even Lucretia Mott, whose great intelligence at such an advanced age she ad- mired, and who argued logically and with great wit, was-according to Assing--down- right unbearable once she had entered 'the pulpit." Assing expects these women to act as representatives for their entire sex, and she is looking for a high level of performance not informed by male models. On the other hand, she finds it disturbing that many of those women appear in public so often. Lucy Stone, for example, she calls a well-known fighter for 'human rights, women's ri hts, and heaven knows what other righB.'3'She criticizes Stone for appearing as speaker at every possible opportunity. Obviously, As-sing did not understand the political inten- tions behind this conduct. Page Smith holds a different view of the political activities of the early suffragettes in America:

State conventions were held a year or so [after the Seneca Falls Convention of 18481in Indiana and Ohio and at each suc- cessive convention women spoke and acted with greater assurance and self-con- fidence. Lucy Stone soon emerged as the most arresting public s aker on the sub- ject of women's rights. 3$

And Elizabeth Cady Stanton herself makes quite clear what the women's intentions were:

Wherever we saw an annual convention of men . . . filled with brotherly love, we bethought ourselves how we could throw a bombshell into their midst, in the form of a resolution, to open the door to the sisters outside. who had an eaual interest with themselves in the subjects under consider- ation.34

Assing, because of her cultural background, rather tends to judge the behavior of women along the guidelines of "good taste," however hostile it might prove to them. After all, her background was not only that of an eman- cipation-minded woman but also that of the higher classes with their notions ofstyle. And one should keep inmind that she had arrived in the New World rather recently and was unfamiliar with the pragmatic and politi- cally very goal-oriented tactics of American women's rights advocates. Assing's position regardingtheAmericanwomen's Movement remained ambivalent, though, and in 1866 became downright hostile. At that time, suf- fragettes argued that they would not support the franchise for African Americans if the legislature did not support the franchise for women at the same time. Assing felt that such absolute principles could not be argued as relative positions. Terry Pickett reports that in a letter to her sister she called those women "stupid, without tact, and vulgar."5

The question of "good taste" also re- mains a strong factor in Assing's views on female behavior elsewhere. When condemning secessionist activities, she particularly attacks the women of the South. Various government officials of the North had been found to be sympathizing with the South, and Assing points out that such spies gave the South decisive strategic advantages. 'But the maddest secession- ists, the busiest spies one finds among the women," she writes:

The truth is, if there were no other argument against slavery, the demoralizing in- fluence it has on the white women alone would suffice to declare it the greatest curse that can burden a land. Manners, morals, righteousness, honor, and hu- manity are sacrificed by these . .. secessionist women. They do not stop at any humiliation, no crime is too great for them. One can more easily imagine than express the artifice ployed in coaxing secrets from people who arebelieved to know the plans of the government. Women are the mail carriers who transport the treasonous correspondences, and several were caught red-handed, their clothing literally stuffed with letters. Those who lack the oppor- tunityfor such actions voice their hatred of the North and the Unionists in such expressions of anger as only the worst male rowdy might use. In St. Louis, no of- ficer of the Union Army can show himself in the streets without being insulted by such words and gestures by this female mob which-were a man to express him- self in this fashion-would immediately lead to his arrest. One must not assume, by the way, that these are women of the lower classes who commit such demonstrations; no, they are ladies of the so- called high society, wives and daughters of prominent slave-holders, competing with each other in impudence. 36

In this statement,Assingrevealsherposition regarding Americanpolitics, and societal at- titudes toward class and gender are il- 1ustrated.A~anavid abolitionist, Assingcon- demns expressions which equally engaged Southerners might look upon very different- ly. And this passage shows that the actions of women in America-just as in Germany- have less, and a different kind of, weight than those of men. Gender is a decisive, even the overriding, factor in the judgment of their behavior; thus, they can commit their out- rageous acts with impunity. Assing also ap- plies different standards to women depend- ing on class. All in all, she buys into patriarchally informed notions of propriety regarding women and uses similar notions on the part of her reading audience to agitate against the South. We are reminded of Stuecher's thesis of the woman immigrant who is twice removed from the dominant society; in Assing's context, the paradigm "foreign and female" would be "southern and female."This illustrates the fact thathsing's gender-political understanding sometimes did not extend to situations in which she her- self was deeply involved emotionally.

In conclusion, one has to take into ac- count Assing's rather troubled personal his- tory,when examining her expectations and

presentation ofAmerica and things Ameri- can. In spite of her self-confident demeanor in social and political questions, and inspite of her courageous personal engagement, Assing's journey to America shows clear traces of an escape from an unbearable, hopeless life to a new, better, happier one. Her homelessness in Germany had been of a spatial, intellectual, and emotional na- ture, and America is to be the answer to her desires. This provides the framework of ex- pectations which then inform the tone of her descriptions. Her life in New York, her relationship with Frederick Douglass, and her social and political involvement provide her with the fulfillment she had hoped for. Thus, in her texts, Germany often stands for backwardness, repression of liberal political ideas, and of an unshakable patriarchal system, while America repre- sents the land of liberty, equality, and the possibility of advancement for all. Germany seems to be treated rather harshly in com- parison to America, and one could argue that, particularly in regard to the rights of women, the difference between the two

countries was relative.

The fact that Assing's perception seems highly idealistic at times has two reasons: America served as the mirror held up to Germany to show its shortcomings. Here was a country where liberal ideals had been realized-albeit in less exemplary form than Assing's reports might lead one to believe. As such, her texts present a literary "I-told-you-so."At the same time, the moral, social, and political superiority of her new home country was a vital factor for Assing in a very personal sense. It represented the structure of her present life and, as such, had to be confirmed even in the face of far greater cultural achievement in Europe and-by comparison-the often belabored cultural barbarism of the New World. And this polarity in Assing's valuation of the two countries was to remain constant; when she did return to Europe, it was mainly to deal with problems surrounding the death of her sisters (Ludmilla died insane in Italy in 1881). Her relationship with Douglass had cooled considerably, and in 1884 he remar- ried. Not longafter that, Assing, who appar- ently suffered from terminal cancer, com- mitted suicide in the Bois de Boulogne in Paris by taking an overdose of Laudanum. Irrefutably, Germany-and, in the larger context, Europe- was to remain the place where she literally could not live, while America was the almost utopian free space where a fulfilled life was possible.

And while this dichotomy is an extreme one in Assing's case, it is somewhat para- digmatic of how German women tended to view America. While adhering to the view that Europe was culturally superior to the New World in many ways, they embraced their new home country with a determina- tion based on their expectations, and wrote about it accordingly. That this attitude is not maintained consistently, and that breaks in tone occur often-as illustrated in Assing's texts--demonstrates the pre- carious attempt by German-American women at balancing their expectations and their day-to-day experiences in the new country. Manifestations of this dilemma are to be found in the contradictions between Assing's support of a freer life for women and her chastising of women who do exer- cise unusual liberties, as well asin the con- flict between voting rights for women and voting rights for African Americans. In the latter case, Assing made a conscious choice, in the former, conflicting behavioral models make it impossible for her to remain con- sistent. Therefore, such narratives have to be read somewhat against the grain. In the intersection of expectation, reality, and written text, one discovers a central quality of such literature by German-American women. One finds that, in spite of the hard- ships of the immigrant experience, they reach a free space and made it their own.


IDorothea Stuecher, %ice Removed: The Experience of Germun-American Women Writers in

the Nineteenth Century (Berne, New York: Lang, 1990). *Janis P. Stout, The Journey Narratiue in American Literature: Patterns and Departures

(Westport, Connecticut; London, England Green- wood Press, 1983).


4hegret Pelz, "Aunenseiterinnen und Welt- reisende," Schreiben 16 (Dec. 1981): 3-16. SStout 33. %tout 30. 7Rolf Allerdissen, Die Reise als Flucht: Zu

Schnabels 'Ynsel Felsenburg" und Thiimmels 'Beise in die mitttiglichen Prouinzen uon Frank- reich" (Frankfurt am Main: Lang, 1975).

8Tamara Felden, 'Giseliteratur von Vormarz- lerinnen: Zur literarischen Reprasentation der Geschlechterrollenerfahmng" (Diss. Univ, of Maryland, 1990).

g~lsorefer to hegret Pelz, Reisen durch die eigene Fremde: Reiseliteratur uon Frauen als autogeographische Schriften (Cologne, Weimar, Vienna: Bohlau, 1991).

1°Feodor Wehl, Zeit und Menschen: Tagebuch- Aufteicltnungen aus den Jahren uon 1863-1884,2 vols. (Altona: Reher, 1889) 11: 99.

llVarnhagen mentions problems between him and Ottilie in two letters to Kerner, dated 7 Nov. 1843 and 5 Nov. 1846, in Justinus Kerners Brief- wechsel nit seinen Freunden, 2 vols. (Stuttgart, Leipzig: Deutsche Verlagsanstalt, 1897).

I2Assing published this volume anonymously as 'Serausgegeben von einem Schauspieler," and only the titles listed under her Name in Karl Goedeke's Grundrib zur Geschichte der deutschen Dichtury (Dresden, 1884-1953) indicate her authorship.

l3~ariaWagner includes 22 ofAssing's contri- butions to the Morgenblatt in her volume Was die Deutschen aus Amerika berichteten 1828-1865 (Stuttgart: Heinz, 1985), but more than 130 of Assing's 'Xorrespondenznachrichtenn were pub- lished. They appeared approximately monthly. All translations are mine.

l4Emi1 Ermatinger, Guttfried Kellers Leben

(Zurich: Artemis, 1950) 212. 15Ermatinger 357. 16She was the translator and editor of Sclcwe

rei und Freiheit: Autobiographic uon Frederick Douglass (Hamburg: Hoffmann and Campe, 1860).

17TerryH. Pickett, "Perspectives on a National Crisis: A German Correspondent Reports on America, 1853-1865," Tmkang Journal of Amer-

icm Studies IV.3 (Spring 1988): 12. 18William S. McFeeley, Frederick Douglass (New York, London: Norton, 1991).

lQpickett 12. See also Terry H. Pickett, 'The Friendship of Frederick Douglass with the German,Ottilie Assing," The Georgia Historical Quarterly LXXIII.1 (Spring 1989): 88-105.

%ited after Lorely French, 'Travelers' Visions / Immigrants' Realities: Amalie Struve and AmalieSchoppein the United States," Paper at the Annual Conference of the MLA, Chicago 1990.

21Morgenblatt (1858) 16: 382.

"Ibid. 381.

231bid. 2: 47.

uIbid. 48.

Summer-Fall 1992

251bid. 47.

261bid. 16: 382.



201bid. 2: 48.

301bid. 16: 384.

311bid. 382.

321854; ibid. 32: 762.

33Page Smith, The Nation Comes of Age: A People$ History of the Ante-Bellum Years, 4 vols. (New York: McGraw-Hill, 1981) IS?721.

34~itedafter Smith 723.

35Pickett 11.

36Morgenbiatt (1862) 13: 311.

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