Ingeborg Bachmann as Radio Scriptwriter

by Joseph G. McVeigh
Ingeborg Bachmann as Radio Scriptwriter
Joseph G. McVeigh
The German Quarterly
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G.MCVEIGH Smith College

Ingeborg Bachmann as Radio Scriptwriter

When the radio network of the American occupation forces in Austria, Sender Rot- We$-Rot (RWR), broadcast the radio play Ein Geschdift mit Triiumen on February 28, 1952, its author, Ingeborg Bachmann, a young scriptwriter and editor for the station, was still essentially unknown to the Vien- nese listeningpublic.1 Although her debut as the author of a radio play drew mixed reviews-the Arbeiter Zeitung found particu- larly annoying her "Versuch, moderner zu seinahdie Gegenwart"%he soon achieved some recognition at the station as the trans- lator and adaptor of Thomas Wolfe's Man- nerhouse, whose world premier was broad- cast on March 4,1952, less than a week after the premier of her own piece.

For Bachmann scholarship, these two premiers, along with two other pieces she reworked for radio while at FWR, constitute virtually the whole of her creative work at the ~tation.~

That she might have had further creative responsibilities as a salaried employee of the Script Department has elic- ited scant attention from scholars who have typically portrayed the period as something of a prelude or period of apprenticeship lead- ingto her breakthrough as a writer in 1953- 54.4Little has been recorded of her work for the station as a scriptwriter and editor, only toratsgutachten."6 Certainly, one cannot fault the young author for concealing that the part of her work that she found incom- mensurate with the image of a poetess she wished to project. Nevertheless, a consider- able portion of Bachrnann's responsibilities in the Script Department consisted in pro- ducing both ideas and scripts for the sta- tion's light entertainment programming. She devoted considerable energies to the task for almost two years, until personal, professional and economic factors led her to seek a new beginning outside Austria in 1953. The recent rediscovery of a number of these scripts now enables scholars to look behind this wall of silence at an entirely new type of writing within Bachmann's creative production: namely the popular radio dra- ma, or radio "soap opera."7 While space does not permit us to examine here each of the fourteen extant scripts written entirely or in part by Bachmann between early 1952 and the summer of 1953, this article endeavors to present an introduction to these new texts and their origins in the culturalinitiatives of the American occupation forces in Austria in the late 1940s and early 1950s and within the context of Bachrnann's early development as a writer.

As was the case with many other young

that she worked there "mit dem R~tstift."~Austrian writers in the early postwar period,

Such a paucity of material may be due in large part to Bachmann's own reticence to discuss such details. For example, when asked in a 1953 interview with Bayrischer Rundfunk whattype of work she did for the station, she responded obliquely: "Es wer- den dort verschiedene Dinge gemacht, Hor- spielbearbeitungen vor allem, dann die Lek- Bachmann was unable to support herself solely through her writing and thus relied on her employment at RWR to provide the ma- terial basis for her existence. In contrast to the situation in Germany,where a new gen- eration of writers around the "Gruppe 47" could take advantage of a burgeoning "Kulturindustrie," the situation in Austria after

The German Quarterly 75.1 (Winter 2002) 35

the war was for younger writers anything but promising, as Bachmann herself' de- scribes:

Wir waren alle Mitte zwanzig, notorisch

geldlos, notorisch hoffnungslos, zukunfts-

los, kleine Angestellte oder Hilfsarbeiter,

einige schon freie Schriftsteller, das heat

soviel wie abenteuerliche Existenzen, von

denen niemand recht dte, wovon sie

lebten, von Gingen aufs Versatzamt je-

denfalls am 6ftesten.'

When "Gruppe 47" founder Hans Wer- ner Richter gave a talk before young writers and artists in Vienna's Art Club in April of 1952, he quickly became aware of the economic concerns facing young Austrian artists and took special note of the vehemence with which they decried their plight:

Man spricht vom Geld, von den Honora-

ren und die Frage der Existenz scheint

hier rein materieller Natur. Es geht den

Intellektuellen schlecht, die Honorare

sind unendlich niedrig, und so besteht

fast bei allen die Tendenz, nach Deutsch-

land zu gehen, um dort im grosseren

Raum nach besseren Erfolgsmoglichkei-

ten zu suchen. Kommt man auf diese Fra-

ge zu sprechen, so sticht man auch hier im

Art-Club in ein ~es~ennest


Richter goes on to quote an anonymous young writer present that evening on the prospects of writing for the Austrian mass media:

Funk und Presse leiden an einer uner- findlichen Aversion dem Schriftsteller ge- geniiber. Nach der deutschen Wiihrung umgerechnet, schwanken die Honorare zwischen einem finftel und einem Zehn- tel dessen, was in Deutschland gezahlt wird. Daher schreibt bei uns niemand fur den Funk, weil es einfach nicht dafiir steht. So bilden sich eigene Cliquen, die ihre Unbegabung fast umsonst der Presse und dem Funk zur Verfugung stellen. Was dabei herauskommt? Drehen Sie mal die RAVAG an. (11)

It is telling that the criticism directed at the Austrian radio industry, voiced anon- ymously in Richter's report, specifically mentions RAVAG (Austrian National Ra- dio) by name, while excluding mention of RAVAG's main competitor, RWR. Although a certain cordiality toward his Austrian hosts may have been at play in reporting these comments-Richter was interviewed at RWR during the trip- there was nevertheless a marked differ- ence in the opportunities offered by each network to younger artists. While Austri- an radio in the early 1950s in general did not hold the promise for younger writers that the more numerous and more gener- ously funded German stations did, RWR nevertheless attracted many young writ- ers by virtue of its innovative program- ming that stood in stark contrast to the more conventional offerings of RAVAG.

Ingeborg Bachmann was among the frustrated young artists who came to hear Richter speak that night at the Art Club, and like most of them, she too was interested in what opportunities layjust across the border in Germany1 A short time later Richter in- vited Bachrnann to attend and read at the spring meeting of the "Gruppe 47" in Nien- dorf on the BalticSea.Her appearance there caused something of a sensation and for the first time in her short career as a writer she was within reach of her oft-stated goal of liv- ing as a "freie Schdbtellerin." Despite this auspicious beginning, caution would prevail and she continued to work at RWR until reasonably certain that her literary writing alone might support her.12 Only after being awarded the "Gruppe 47" prize the following May and receiving a number of requests for manuscripts from German radio stations, periodicals and newspapers did she feel the time was right to strike out on her own in the summer of 1953.13

Since its initial organization in 1945, RWRhadviewed itself as a temporary bridge to the reestablishment of an independent Austrian national radio network. In plan- ning documents from 1945 the US element did not envision a long-term radio presence, but hoped to turn over the radio facilities to the Austrian government in return for a guarantee of daily broadcast time on RA- VAG.14 However, when it became clear that the Soviets would not soon relinquish their oversight of the main RAVAG studios located in their sector of Vienna, and with the onset of the Cold War in 1947, the Americans be- gan expanding their radio operations.16 The ensuing years leading to the withdrawal of the occupation forces in 1955 were hall- marked by an intense but fruitful competition between RWR and RAVAG that ulti- mately led to the introduction of many technical and programming innovations.16 Be- cause of RAVAG's unique status as both the official Austrian radio network and the pri- mary outlet for Soviet propaganda broad- casts,RWR had to balance its support for the Austrian government with measured criti- cism of Soviet control and censorship at RAVAG. Faced with this challenge, RWR opted not to directly confront Soviet propa- ganda with similar programming of its own but rather to win the hearts and minds of listeners more subtley through attractive entertainment programming. Paramount to this mission was an emphasis on the "de- mocratization" of radio, which manifested itself in greater response by RWR to lis- tener needs. What followed was a revolution of sortswith the introduction of a number of technological and programming "firsts" in the history of Austrian radio.l7

When control of the network was passed from the US War Department to the State Department in 1949, a number of sweeping changes were proposed and gradually im- plemented. In early 1951 RWR moved to conform with guidelines issued the previous year by the US State Department to initiate a "psychological offensive" in its mass media outlets, the speclfic objective being to "raise the quality of RWR programs in general, in order to attract audiences and enhance the prestige of the network over that of its com- petitor, the Soviet-dominated RAVAG."l8Al- though ostensibly designed to transform the RWR network into "an ideological weapon of major impact throughout this area [of Europe]," the initiative actually brought about an overall decrease in the amount of overtly political broadcasts transmitted by the net- work (e.g., Voice of America [VOA], etc.) in favor of more "Austrian" programming.lg Essentially, this meant a focus on cultural and entertainment programming that would attract the largest possible audience and allow for political messages to be im- parted indirectly and thus, it was hoped, more palatably." But it also meant hiring "high calibre Austrian talent,"21 who would be given considerable artistic freedom to cre- ate programs in tune with Austrian tastes with minimal direction from the American Radio Officer overseeing the network's oper- ations.Z2 In its efforts "to raise the level of RWR dramatic productions, educational programs and musical presentation" by dou- bling and later tripling the airtime devoted to such programming (RWR 21, the network introduced several new programs in early 1951 "combining ideological content with a light, entertaining touch" (RWR 3). One of the more successful of these, a dialogue on current topics entitled Wie geht's, wie steht's?, was hosted by "two young Austrian writers with a flair for witty and telling ob- servation" (RWR 3)-Ingeborg Bachrnann's future RWR colleagues, Jorg Mauthe and Peter Weiser.

To facilitate this transition in program- ming, a Script Department based on the model of American radio networks was cre- ated with a mandate to "establish uniform standards of radio writing. Instead of rely- ing on freelance writers for scripts as they had in the past, RWR instead moved to rely on the "professional" radio scriptwriter, that is, a writer "on the permanent payroll who specializes in turning out script material in accordance with the station's needs."24 In- deed, the department's writers could be called upon to create a wide variety of texts on relatively short notice for any number of purposes. In essence, the network asked of its scriptwriters

alles zu machen, was die anderen Abtei- lungen entweder nicht tun konnten oder wollten, Horspiele aussuchen und selbst schreiben, Features verfassen oder im Auftrag geben" (Mauthe250).

Into this mix of young talented writers and actors at the new RWR "idea factory" would soon enter Ingeborg Bachmann, a youngwoman of 25 who, although she held serious artistic aspirations of her own, would nevertheless soon play an instru- mental role in helping RWR's entertain- ment programming achieve unparalleled popularity.

First hired asa clerwtypist in September 1951 by the News Sedion of the Information Services Branch (ISB) which oversaw the op- eration of IEWR,Bachmann soon joined Jijrg Mauthe and Peter Weiser in the Script De- partment. Yet, were one to rely on biogra- phies and bibliographies of Bachmann's early years in order to understand her re- sponsibilities in this department, a sorely in- complete picture emerges. What the author concealed about her work at RWR in her 1953 interview with Joachim von BernstorfT, and what her biographers seem to ignore is the fad that one of her major responsibilities at RWR was to produce ideas and material for the station's entertainment program- ming, a task she performed prolifically and with great

In his autobiography, Wien. Stark be- wolkt (1984) Peter Weiser noted Bach- mann's immediate impact upon joining the Script Department:

Die Inge [...I nahm unmerklich das Heft des Script Departments in die Hand. [...I wir operierten jetzt nicht mehr ohne Bo- denstation, wir hatten jemand, der uns steuerte. (103)

Bachmann quickly became, he continues, the creative heart of the department:

Wir gaben ihr jedes Manuskript zu lesen und beriicksichtigten jeden ihrer Ein- wande; wir besprachen mit ihr jedes neue Vorhaben, und wenn sie ihre eigenen Ideen vorbrachte, versuchten wir, auch die verriicktesten zu realisieren. (104)

With the arrival of their new protege, the team produced a number of popular, long-running programs, foremost among them Austria's first "soap opera," the leg- endary Die Radiofamilie. The series was one of the network's (and of Austrian ra- dio history's) greatest programming suc- cesses, totaling more than 330 original broadcasts over a period of eight years (1952-19601.~~

Begunas a semi-monthly half-hour dra- matic program on February 2, 1952, the almost immediate success of the series caused the station to move to a weekly format later that year?7 In keeping with its stated goal of attracting a wider Austrian listening au- dience for the network, the Radiofamilie sought to portray a "Red-White-Red" family, that is, a representative middle-class Vien- nese family with whom listeners could iden- tlfy:28

[...I das, was jedem einzelnen dieser er- fundenen Farnilie passierte, hatte genau so gut jedem von denen passieren konnen, die um den Apparat herumsden. (Weiser, "Geschichte" 251)

In order to fulfill its political purpose for the network, however, the broadcast had to integrate political and pedagogical ele- ments without becoming too heavy-handed. Despite the artistic freedom al- lowed them by the US officials at the sta- tion, the authors of the series (Mauthe, Weiser, Bachmann) were very much aware of this mandate in constructing each epi- sode:

Es wird eine politische Sendereihe wer- den, ohne dal3 der Horer kapiert, dal3 sie es ist, es wird eine erzieherische Senderei- he werden, ohne dal3 der Horer kapiert, dal3 sie es ist, es wird eine gesellschafts- pragende Sendereihe werden, ohne dal3 der Horer kapiert, das sie es ist, und es wird eine lustige Sendereihe werden, und das wird das einzige sein, was der Horer kapiert.29

In the public opinion surveys sponsored by the ISB in the late 1940s, the Austrian public had shown its distrust of American "reeducation" efforts as well as an indiffer- ence towards politics in general.30 In light of this, the challenge facing the scriptwriters was considerable. Mauthe's desire for subtle effectiveness notwithstanding, the series's choice of a representative middle-class fam- ily as its focusmight have been potentially divisive in a society where class antagonisms were still very much present. The program's "educational" function in explicating week- ly themes thus consistently ran the risk of alienatingone party or the other. In 1954, Peter Weiser outlined some of these themes and how they might be approached within the program's parameters:

Es sollte eine Familie sein, die erstens fur das damals (1951) noch existierende Biir- gertum typisch war, zweitens aber im- stande sein muDte, das kleine und grol3e Geschehen der Zeit mit einem Anflug von Ironie, vielleicht sogar Persiflage, wider- zuspiegeln: die vier Alliierten, den Kalten Krieg, die Entnazifizierung, den begin- nenden Wiederaufbau, den zu Ende ge- henden Schleichhandel, den beginnenden Postenschacher, die sichtbar werdende Korruption und--die Festigung der wie- dergewonnenen osterreichischen Identi- tat. (Weiser, "Geschichte" 249)

Although not all such topics might easily have lent themselves to wit and humor, the script-writing trio immediately struck a responsive chord in the Austrian listen- ing public by making political and societal issues secondary to the portrayal of "die optimistischen Gedanken der Nachkriegs- zeit [...I in amiisante Geschichten ver- pa~kt."~l

The almost decade-long success of the Radiofamilie with its emphasis on entertainment over politics arguably did more to advance the objectives of the US "reeducation" program in Austria than its more overtly political broadcasts (i.e., VOA) in its apparent ability to bring to- gether an audience from across the politi- cal spectrum.

By the time Die Radiofamilie ceasedproduction in early 1960, the series had long sincepassed its zenith as a reflection of Austrian middle-class society. Little had actually changed in the program itself since Jorg Mauthe and Peter Weiser continued to au- thor the weekly scripts, providingthem with a conceptual and technical continuity. The family itself was still the same, if a bit older. And yet according to Peter Weiser, some- thing essential had indeed changed in the late 1950s that made the Floriani's represen- tative role much more tenuous:

Wir hatten pldtzlich gespiirt, da13 es Fami- lien wie die von uns erfundene nicht mehr gab, daR mit der Wohlstandsgesellschaft ein familiarer Auflosungsprozel3 einge- setzt hatte, den die Florianis weder ironi- sieren, noch persiflieren, noch widerspie- geln konnten. (Weiser, "Geschichte" 251)

He intimates a certain loss of imagination associated with the coming of television as a contributing factor to the end of the Radiofamilie.The program "[wurdel von den Autoren erst eingestellt, als die Wiener nicht mehr mit geschlossenen Augen vor dem Radioapparat den, sondern [...I mit geweiteten Augen vor dem Fernseh- schirm."32

Who then was this "Familie aus besseren Tagen" (Weiser, "Geschichte" 252) that had captured the imagination of thousands of radio listeners for almost a decade? Peter Weiser's fandid reconstruction of the dis- cussions surrounding the series's creation describes in some detail each of the main characters.33 Weiser writes of the father, Hans Floriani:

Der Vater ist Oberlandesgerichtsrat, der ko~~ekteste,

pflichtbewuBteste, anstiindig- ste Mensch, den man sich denken kann: biirgerlich, aber nicht kleinbiirgerlich, ehrenhaft bis in die Knochen, Vorkrieg- scharakter sozusagen, leicht schrullig, wie alle perfektionistischen Juristen, ver- steht sich als bestimmender PATERFAMILIAS, wird aber von Frau und Kindern um den Finger gewickelt. (Weiser, "Familie Nr."33)

If Hans Floriani represents the upright citizen of a restored Austria who prides himself in his "correct" behavior, then his brother Guido starids as his comicalcounterpart, representing that segment of Austrian society undergoing rehabilitation in the post-AnschluB period. Not introduced until the second broadcast, for which Bachmann composed the script, Onkel Guido iscut from the cloth of the lovable rogue and when he surfaces in a broadcast, the action quickly revolves around his antics and schemes:

Das ist der Bruder vom Oberlandesge- richtsrat. War ein Nazi, ein kleiner, aber ein Illegaler, und hat sonst nichts ange- stellt. Eine irrational bewegte Seele, sozu- sagen. vor allem ein Phantast. Schlagt sich an der Seite seiner engelsgeduldigen Frau in Purkersdorf mit einer Hendlfarm durchs Leben und versucht, Hiihner zu zuchten, die doppeldottrige Eier legen. Was Staat, Vergangenheit und Politik be- trifft, wird auf der Bruder-Ebene abge- handelt, da schont keiner den anderen. Dabei ist der Onkel Guido eine komische, ans Lacherliche grenzende Figur. Aber ein wirklicher Nazi war doch der Onkel Guido nicht. Nur ein Trottel, der auf den Hitler hereingefallen ist. Im Grunde sei- nes Herzens, seines Wesens, seiner gan- Zen Lebenseinstellung war er etwas ande- res, beinahe das Gegenteil davon. (Weiser, "Familie Nr. 1"30)

ofall the characters, both and

miOnal' who the of the Radiofamiilk, Bachmann appears to have had aparticular for--or atleast most notably left her imprint on-the figure "Onkel Guido." Like Bachmann, the pro- tean Guido betrays a pronounced "Neigung, ein Geheimnis um sich auf~ubauen."~

His many masks as inventor, art connoisseur, farmer, scientist, and imagined Habsburg scion echo Bachmann's own playfulness,

sich Unbekannten gegenuber als eine an- dere auszugeben, erfundene Geschichten uber sich selbst zu erziihlen und sich vor- ubergehend eine neue Identitat anzu- dichten."35

Guido's feigned expertise and identity in each successive role is gradually disman- tled and exposed as a sham, yet the "genu- ine" Guido never quite emerges; he ulti- mately succeeds in leaving the question of his true nature unanswered.

Guido's many masks are not without so- cial-historical import within the context of postwar Austrian society. If, as a former Nazi Party-member, he represents Austria's "in- terlude" as part of a "Greater Germany," then his masks perhaps reflect the provi- sional nature of Austria's situation during the occupation period and its struggle to reestablish a national identity independent of Germany after 1945. In this regard Hans's wife,Vilma, embodies a contrasting vision of this new Austria, secure in the national iden- tity and traditions of its past, yet open to the new impulses and experiences of the postwar


Generalstochter aus dem Ersten Welt- krieg, also ein bisserl etwas Hoheres, sehr gebildet, sehr fraulich, vielleicht sogar leichtsinnig, keine Wienerin, sondern aus Kroatien, aus Karlovac, eine geborene Radakovic [...I-von Radokovic, aber Muttersprache natiirlich Deutsch. Ein Tornisterkind, wie man seinerzeit gesagt hat. Sie ist eine hinreiaende Person, hat wahrscheinlich einen Silberblick-[. ..I ES umgibt sie [...I so etwas wie [...I ein al- ter Duft aus Mkchenzeit, aber ohne das geringste k.und k. Parfum. Im Grunde ist

sie die modernste der ganzen Familie. [..1 Sie hat die neue Zeit am besten begriffen. Sie steht fur das Neue, ihr Mann steht f3r das Alte. (Weiser, "Familie Nr. 1" 28-29)

Littie is said here about the children-a 17-year-old daughter, Helli, a 12-year-old son, Wolferl, and a baby, the "Putschkerl." Although the children are typically por- trayed interacting with other family mem- bers, their relationship with their friends provides the prism through which many social and political issues are examined, "denn nur dort lassen sie sich mit Humor dar- stellen" (Weiser, ''Fandie Nr. 1"29). These relationships provide the fertile ground for presenting and, to some degree, defusing controversial issues of the day through the naive pers-ve of the children, asin Wolferl's on-again, off-again friendship with Holzinger, the son of the "Hausmeister," who represents "den Einbruch des Neuen in die biirgerliche Welt" (Weiser, "Fgmilie Nr.

1"29) and in Helli's friendship with Gisela, the trend-conscious daughter of a successful businessman.36 In the case of the adult char- acters the focus rests more squarely on the dimcult, yet surmountable problems facing postwar Austria:

[.. . dlie Schwierigkeit, in einem Land, das noch immer von Kriegsgewinnlern und Korruptionisten und Schiebern durch- setzt ist, anstandig zu bleiben. Die Schwierigkeit, in einer Zeit, in der ein Nachbarland nach dem anderen Volksde- mokratie geworden ist, an die Wider- standsffiigkeit der Demokratie zu glau- ben. Die Schwierigkeiten, sechs Jahre nach Kriegsende ohne Staatsvertrag und trotz Hunderttausenden unverbesserli- cher Nazis ~sterreich als etwas zu begrei- fen, das jeder will. (Weiser, "Familie Nr. 1"


The patriotic tone underlying many of the scripts unquestionably contributed to the series's success in the years preceding the signing of the State Treaty in 1955 when the issue of ending Allied occupation and re- storing Austria's fullsovereignty heightened public and private reflection on national identity Indeed, Austrian patriotism pro- vided both the Radiofamilieand its listening audience a positive common ground for ap- proaching potentially divisive social and political issues in those politically uncertain times. The patriotic tenor is primarily re- flected within the daily life of the Florianis in the portrayal of the traditions and ethos of the Austrian "Bildungsbiirger" and their confrontation with the new circumstances of postwar society, represented here to a large extent by the younger Florianis and their friends. Elisabeth HoblJahn, in her survey of Austrian radio in the 1950s, misses this point entirely in describing the series as "unglaublich banal und unrealistisch" (242). Citing as an example a passionate family discussion centering around which play would be best suited for the reopening of the Burgtheater in 1955, HoblJahn con- cludes: "Solch banale Inhalte lassen uns sicher heute an dem legendken Erfolg der Radiofamilie zweifeln" (242).

Although Bachrnann wrote only about one quarter of the episodes, her manuscripts are among the most intriguing, with many of them introducing new characters like the young Yugoslavian "DP" ("displaced per- son") struggling to survive in Vienna's black market, or the overbearing pedant, Dr. Hyacinth Panigl bemoaning postwar society's "Verlust der Mitte. "Thematically, a number of her scripts include references to modern- ist culture and reflect her own fascination with the postwar period's "rediscovery" of the modernists. In her capacityas literary editor at RWR she once revealed her own preferred canon of modernist authors in her evaluation of poemssubmitted to the station by Ernst Suchan for possible broadcast in early 1952. In rejecting Suchan's textsastoo conventional, Bachmann lectured the au- thor on the virtues of modern literary style, recommending that he familiarize himself with the poetry of Benn,Eliot, Pound, Appo- linaire, Lorca, Valery, Blok, Brecht, Wildgans and Kramer.S7

Although Jijrg Mauthe credits an Ameri- can radio officer, Arthur Bardos, with the original idea for Die Radiofamilie,%both he and Bachmanngave the idea concrete form, reportedly over the course of a two-hour lunch break.39 Since the 1970s, both Mauthe and Weiser have amply referred to Bach- mann's role in the creation of the series. Yet, in the absence of any manuscripts in Bachmann's "NachlaR"and on the presumption that such texts were likely destroyed with the RWR archives after the network's take- over by Owscholars were perhaps content to view this aspect of Bachmann's work as a dead-end.40A novel based on the series, pub- lished by Mauthe and Weiser in 1954 (rpt. 19901, rendered many of the broadcast topics in such detail, however, that the authors clearly appear to have used notes or other materials from the original scripta41 In fact, Mauthe had not only preserved some 89 of the 152 Radiofamiliescripts produced by the Script Department, he also rendered an invaluable service by cataloging them by title, date of broadcast and by author. In keeping with the anonymous nature of the work in a Script Department, the scripts themselves are unsigned. However, Mauthe's index lists next to each date and title a column with one of three letters: '3,""P" or "I." Peter Weiser, the last surviving member of the threesome, confirms that the letters referred to the au- thor of each text,Jorg Mauthe, Peter Weiser, and Ingeborg Bachmann.*

According to this index, during Bach- mann's two-year tenure at RWR she contrib- uted some f'n scripts to DieRadiofamilie,eleven of them as the sole author and four others co-written with either Mauthe or Wei~er.~~

The entries covering February 16, 1952, to September 11,1953, for scripts on Mauthe's index are reproduced in the table below.44

The dates coincide with details of Bach- mann's life. Between March 15 and Septem- ber 7, 1952, for example, when Bachmann was away from the station on extended trips to Germany (May-June) and Italy (July), she contributed only two co-authored manu- scripts. However, in the fall of that year she resumed a more regular rate of production, averaging roughly one manuscript a month through the following su1nmer.~5 The move to a weekly format in the fall of 1952 signifi- cantly compromised the time available to plan and create each manuscript, especially in light of efforts to center each week's broad- cast around current issuesand themes.46 Such tight scheduling undoubtedly contributed to the series's successinsofar as it allowed the station to fine-tune the program to the very latest happenings in Vienna, in this way re- maining a highly topical and yet popular means of shaping public opinion.

I Table. Index of Scripts

Au- Il

No. Date Short Title

1 thor

Onkel Guido, , l6Feb , I , Geldborgen

Geburtstag, Wolferl 11

9 7. Juni IJ Ferienpliine 

10 21. Juni IP Hexenschuss 

I 1 1 I/

15 7. Sept. I Schulanfang

18 28. Sept. I Horoskop

20 12. Okt. I Der DP


11 21 26. Okt. I I / Erzherzog Guido II

I I 1

11 24 1 16. Nov / I / Unliebsamer Panigl /.,


29 21' Dez' I

-Goldener Sonntag

11 32 / 11. Jan. 1 I 1 Theaterbesuch //

Ein Kind kommt aus

// 1 j I

41 15. Marz IP Holland ,I

Psychologie in

12April 1

1 /

45 1 Purkersdorf

54 5. Juni IJ 1 Kunstausstellung 'i

63 11.Sept. 1 Puppenspiele I1 I

One of the more puzzling aspects of Bachmann's work at RWR is the origin of what Weiser calls her "untriigliches Gem fur die Moglichkeiten dieses Mediums" (Wien104). Bachrnann had no previous ven- tures in radio writing when hired by RWR and was not even an avid radio listener.47 She nevertheless quickly made a name for her- self with her adaptation of Thomas Wolfe's Mannerhouse and her own original radio play Ein Geschiift mit TrZiumen. Sigrid Wei- gel's praise of the latter as evidence of the author's "professionellen Erfhhrungen mit dem Medium Rundfunk und dem Genre Horspiel" (260) begs the question of how Bachmann arrived at this style of writing for the radio in the first place. While Ein Geschiift mit Trdiumen garnered a number of generally positive reviews, harsh criticism in the Arbeiter-Zeitung pointed up some rough spots in Bachmann's radio technique.* Most notably, her liberal use of sound effects was written off as all tooconventional by an AZ-reviewer ("die alte Gerauschkulisse, nur et- was lauter und emsiger vorgefiihrt als ~onst").~9Although

one could point to amore restricted use of sound effects in subsequent radio plays, the question of how Bachmann refined her radio instincts in this and other areas remains largely unanswered. Expo- sure to various styles of radio technique at RWR certainly helped in this regard, and her regular contributions to Die Rudwfamilie in the months following the premier of Ein Ge- schiifi mit Triiumen certainly offered an immediate opportunity to deal with technical issues of radio writing on a regular basis. But could there have been other sources which shaped her "untriigliches Gefiihl" for such writing? Indeed, there were!

In its efforts to create a professional Script Department modelled on American radio, RWR purchased a number of Ameri- can "How to"-books on radio writing for its scriptwriters in July of 1950. These offered all manner of technical and artistic guide lines for successfully mastering the medium, including sound effects. Some eleven titles from among those used at stateside radio sta- tions were ordered that summer and were available at the station when Bachmann arrived." Peter Weiser indicates that the scriptwriters regularly availed themselves of the information in these books and learned much: "Selbstverstiindlich hat das Script Department von Rot-Weil3-Rot die [...I 'Rezept-Biicher' zur Herstellung von Radio- manuskripten nicht nur beniitzt, sondern auch besessen. Sie wurden f3r das Script- Department gekauft und wir alle haben uns ihrer bedient."51 While it is not possible to say which books or parts of books Bachmann may have actually used, it is certainly likely that she drew at least some advice from this library. That she recanted the liberal use of sound effects in radio plays a decade after the premier of Ein Geschiift mit Trtiumen for ex- ample (Gd37), may stem in some part from her readingof these professional texts at her disposal in the Script Department library.52

In light of the likely utilization of "How- to" books by Bachmann and her colleagues, one might easily conclude that Die Radiofamilie was more the product of craftsman- ship rather than of inspiration and imagina- tion. However, the series owed its success less to technicalfeatures that were conven- tional even for European radio at that time than to its dynamic, witty and plausible characters and situations.

Despite her anonymous success as a scriptwriter, Bachmann did not conceal her desire to leavevienna. For both personal and economic reasons, she believed the city afforded her little prospect for recognition as a serious writer. Yet, looking back on these years in which she was able to combine gainful employment with her writing, first scriptwriting at RWR (1952-53), then as a correspondent for Radio Bremen (July 1954 to June 1955) and the Westdeutsche Allge- mine Zeitung (November 1954 to September 19551, Bachmann expressed some doubt as to whether she should have foregone the modest, but steady income these positions provided for the attractive but less reliable support of honoraria.* Bachmann's entry into the Viennese literary scene in the early fifties as a reviewer for various publications surely points to the fact that the young poet- ess was able to reconcile writing with the de- mands of material existence from the very start of her career. To maintain, as does Si- grid Weigel, that this reconciliation of work and writing served only "als Briicke oder Umweg zur Existenz einer 'freien Schriftstellerin"' (272) wrongly views Bachmann's early writings from the standpoint of her later success. What is missing from this discussion of Bachmann's early years in Vienna is the possibility that the young poetess's desire for wider recognition as a writer, and her entry into the West German "Kultur- industrie" may indeed have been shaped by her work experience at RWR. Bachmann's well-known critical view of Vienna notwith- standing, it would be inaccurate to cast her work at RWR as nothing more than an economic means to an end. As early as May of 1952, more than a year before leaving Vi- enna, she had already been "discovered by the "Gruppe 47" and could have struck out for Germany, as had her friend, Herbert Ei- senreich, some two years earlier. Indeed, her lettersto Eisenreich from the fall of 1952 express not only her desire to test her fortune outside of Austria, but also her reservations about ultimately finding fulfillment as a writer in either Germany or Italy. After a highly successful trip through Hannover, Frankfurt and Stuttgart following the 1952 "Gruppe 47"-meeting, Bachmann refleded on her initial success there and sed "d& es vielleicht nicht mehr so sein wird, wenn ich auf liingere Zeit [in Deutschlandl blei be."% If, as Sigrid Weigel maintains, Ger- many represented for the young Bachmann of the early 50s "eine Chi& fiir die Per- spektive,als 'freie Schdtsteller' [zul leben, weniger ein realer Aufenthaltsort" (2701, then the doubts expressed to Herbert Ei- senreich in Odober 1952 about her success in this metaphorical Germany can similarly be read as a misgiving about leaving her proven success asa radio writer for an uncer- tain fortune as an independent poet. Curiously, it was in the period concurrent with these doubts about movingto Germany or It- aly that she was most prolific in her produc- tion for the Radiofamilie, authoring five manuscripts for the series within two months.55

There is every indication that her script- writing and editorial work at RWR was more than just "Brotenverb." When she joined the Script Department in late 1951, she approached her work there with a vigor and creative energy that is difficult to recon- cile with her silence about this work (Weiser, W-ien103-4). Unlike reports written for Radio Bremen in 1954-55 from Italy, Bach- mann's work in the Script Department de manded more creativity as a writer. The Ra- diofamilie was in many ways her own "heile Welt." It was where Bachmann drew sympa- thetic flgmes free of doubts and fears who

stood in stark contrast to the harsh realities of postwar Vienna and the uncertainties of her nascient literary career.

Thisnewfound success as a writer of pop ular entertainment programming certainly caused her to reflect on her writing as a whole and may even have contributed to the hiatus in her literary writing in the early fall of 1952. In aletter toHerbert Eisenreich, she writes that she had just emerged from the fallow period with a better understanding of herself as a writer:

[...I alles ist deutlicher und klarer, und vielleicht wird noch ein Mensch aus mir. [...I Denn ich bin draufgekommen, da13 das das Erste ist, und die Literatur erst das Zweite oder Letzte[...I."~~

In the unfinished "Portrait von Anna Ma- ria" (mid-1950s), Bachmann similarly ex- pressed the notion that

[...I Kiinstler oft durch die Art ihrer Ne- benbeschaftigungen die Phantasie der anderen weitaus mehr und nachdriickli- cher beschiiftigen und seltener durch das, wodurch sie es eigentlich tun sollten und wohl auch hin und wieder tun-durch ihre Arbeiten. (I1 481~~

Bachmann's "sidelight" working for the popular entertainment program at RWR a few years before the story's creation cer- tainly excited the fantasy of a listening public many times larger than her reading public at that time. While her literary pro- duction did not generate the desired reso- nance in Austria prior to her departure in 1953, her "Nebenbeschaftigungen" at RWR spoke to the imagination and hopes of the postwar Austrian public, creating for them in this series the image of a so- cially and politically stabile, ordered and optimistic world which Bachmann herself ultimately did not find in Vienna.

In light of this new information about Bachmann's work at RWR and her reflec- tions on writing at that time, it might prove usefid for scholars to re-examine her work at the network within the context of her liter- ary production as a whole and the extent to which her straddling the fence between art and material existence in her early years may have informed her later work and life. At least during her years at RWR Bachmann showed a remarkably solid footing in the middle class world she brought to life in the Radiofamilie. Her popular writings may have indeed resonated with the part of her that longed for material security and an or- dered existence, and the Radiofamilie, this embodiment of middle-class life in postwar Vienna that she helped create, may have been the projection of just such a desire. When looking back on the period before Bachmann's "breakthrough" as a writer in 195354,Hans Werner Richter noted just such a tendency in the young author: "Manchmal hatte ich den Eindruck, sie wiinschte sich nichts anderes, als eine ein- fache Frau zu sein, Eheleben, Kinder, das kleine Gliick des AUtags."m At the same time, she may have realized that fulfilling this desire could mean the end of her career as a writer of "serious" literature. In other words, she may have sensed that success in both worlds of writing was ultimately a zero-sum arrangement: the more successful she became in one area, the less likely she was tosucceed in the other. This,perhaps more than any other factor, may have led to her decision to leave the station and Vienna in the summer of 1953.


'For more detailed biographical informa- tion on Bachmann's early years up to 1953,see Sigrid Weigel, Ingeborg Bachmann. Hinter- lassenschaften unter Wahrung des Briefge- heimnisses (Vienna: I? Zsolnay, 1999)or Kurt Bartsch, Zngeborg Bachmann, 2nd ed. (Stutt- gart: Metzler, 19971,neither ofwhom take note of Bachmann's scriptwriting activity.

2-er, "Radiokritik der Woche," Arbeiter-Zeitung (Vienna),9March 1952: 10. Curiously, Constanze Hotz does not include this piece among her list of four other newspaper reviews of Bachmann's radio play.

3An adaptation of Franz Werfel's novella Der Tod des Kleinbiirgers, broadcast October 26, 1951, and Louis MacNiece's The Black Tower (Der schwarze Turm), broadcast in No- vember 1952.

4See Sigrid Weigel(271). Weigel calls these years the "Wiener Vorgeschichte" to Bach- mann's career as a writer: "Alles, was [die Gruppe 47 Tagung in] Niendorf vorausging, wird durch diese Urszene in den Status einer Vorgeschichte versetzt."

5The Munich Abendzeitung (13June 1953). Quoted from Sigrid Weigel (268): "Kurz vor ihrer Riickkehr nach Wien, wo sie bei der Sendergruppe Rot-WeiR-Rot als 'Script-Edi- tor' mit dem Rotstift redigiert [...I."

6Radio interview with Joachim von Bernstorff, Bayrischer Rundfunk (10 June 1953).Cited from Christine Koschel and Inge von Weidenbaum, eds., Ingeborg Bachmann. Wir miissen wahre Satze finden. Gespriiche und Interviews (Munich, Zurich: Piper, 1983)

10. Hereafter referred to in the text with the letters "GuI" and page number.

7An edition of the scripts is currently in preparation for the Piper Verlag (Munich). A selected edition of other scripts of Die Radio- familie is currently in preparation for the Bah- lau Verlag (Vienna).

8Bachmann,Werke,IV 324. Hereafter, cita- tions from this edition of Bachmann's works will simply give the volume and page number. In addition to the dominant position of older, established writers in the literary market, there existed a "paper curtain" of sorts be- tween Germany and Austria during much of the occupation period (1945-1955) which made the distribution of printed materials as well as travel and communication at times quite difficult. See Joseph McVeigh, "Lifting the Paper Curtain: The Opening of Austrian Literary Culture to Germany after 1945," German Studies Review 19.3 (1996): 479-99.

gHans Werner Richter, "Wien 1952," Nachtstudio (Bayrischer Rundfunk), broad- cast October 15, 1952: 11,Hans Werner Rich- ter NachlaR, Signatur, Akademie der Kiinste (Berlin). F.W, "Die neue Literatur in Deutschland," Arbeiter-Zeitung (Vienna), 21 May 1952 reports on Richter's appearance in the Art Club.

1°JorgMauthe, "Script Department- Was ist das?" (255): "Wir haben den 'Jungen' da- mals geholfen, so gut wir konnten. Die RAVAG tat ja nicht allzuviel fir junge osterreichische Autoren." Among the young writers who turned to RWR in the early fifties were Raimund Berger, Milo Dor, Reinhard Federmann, Herbert Eisenreich, Rudolf Bayr, Wolfgang Kudrnofsky, Karl Bednarik and other less well-known authors, as well as Thomas Bern- hard, who, as reported by Mauthe in this arti- cle, unsuccessfully sought work in the Script Department.

llRichter relates that Bachmann was pres- ent at the talk, together with Ilse Aichinger. "Im Etablissement der Schmetterlinge. Ilse Aichinger" in: Zm Etablissement der Schmet- terlinge. Einundzwanzig Portraits aus der Gruppe 47 (Munich: Carl Hanser, 1986) 15. In his chapter on Bachmann (45-62) Richter re- ports on his "discovery" of the young poetess during his trip to Vienna in 1952.

l2In a letter to Herbert Eisenreich dated 16 October 1952 Bachmann writes that she would like to be able to leave RWR and Vienna, but that she must wait for an "Ausfahrtssignal." She was clearly impressed by the amount of money she could earn in Germany and thus en- tertained the idea of moving to Hamburg, as she noted to Eisenreich in the same letter. The immediate cause of her reflection about this possibility was a reading she gave in NWDR on 27 May 1952, following the conclusion of the spring 1952 meeting of the "Gruppe 47." Bach- mann received the (then) stately sum of DM 300 for the short broadcast (IV 325).

13It appears unclear when exactly Bach- mann actually left RWR. Sigrid Weigel in her chronology of Bachmann's life (555-56) implies that she left RWR in late-summer by listing her departure after entries for June and July of 1953, but says in the text ofher book (266) that Bachmann departed in the "Friihsommer" of 1953, first going to Kiirnten before moving on to Italy. Andreas Hapkemeyer, on the other hand, says that she arrived on the island of Ischia in Italy on the feast of St. Vitus on June 15th (64). This seems unlikely in view of Bach- manns interview with Joachim von Bernstorff on June 10, 1953 in which she speaks of her work at RWR in the present tense ("Dort arbeite ich in der Dramaturgie [...I."). Bartsch, Beicken, Achberger and others simply give the year of her departure from Vienna (1953) with- out further specification

14US Forces, Austria, ISB, Operations Sec- tion, Box 59372-1 (921, File 2. Operations Re- port of 19 September 1945 from Albert Van Eerden (Operations Officer) to General McChrystal, 3: "It seems to me the wisest course to be followed would be to keep our ra- dio station in Vienna going about as it is now. Its chief asset to us will be in bartering for sixty or ninety minutes of uncensored US program- ming on RAVAG."

15RWR had studios in Salzburg, Linz and Vienna. The former two studios were turned over to the Austrian government in 1954, while the Vienna studio remained in American hands until the withdrawal of American forces in 1955, as provided for by the State Treaty.

l6For a description of the relationship be- tween the two networks during the occupation period, see Viktor Ergert, 50 Jahre Rundfunk in dsterreich, Vol. 11: 1945-1955 (Salzburg: Residenz Verlag, 1975) and Hans Szusz- kiewicz, Reporter war... Zehn Jahre oster- reichischer Rundfunk 1945-1 955 (Vienna: Kaltschmid, 1963).

17See Norbert I? Feldinger, Nachkriegsrundfunk in ~sterreich (Munich: K.G. Saur, 1990). Feldinger calls RWR's programming "a new type of radio." For example, the first Aus- trian "man-in-the-street" interviews were conducted by RWR at the Vienna Fair (March 13-20, 1949), as reported in "RWR Monthly Activities Report" (March 1949) US National Archives, US Forces, Austria, ISB, Radio Sec- tion (1945-50) Box 7, File 78, 2, or the first American-style discjockey music program, "Der alte Plattenmann," 3. Further innova- tions included a mobile broadcast truck, lis-

tener participation quiz shows, public tryouts for radio announcer, sponsored broadcasts, spot ads, etc. It was symptomatic of RWR's de- sire to make radio more responsive to the lis- tening public that the monthly reports of the US Radio Office often cite listener mail as the barometer of programming success or failure.

'8"Red-White-Red Programming Changes and Public Reactions Thereto" (27 March 1951) US National Archives, State Depart- ment Decimal Files 5 11.63413-2751, Records Group 84, Box 2461 (Austria 1950-54) 1.Hereafter, cited in the text as "RWR with page number.

19By early 1952 RWR had reduced its five daily VOA broadcasts to four, and their length from fifteen to ten minutes each. US National Archives, State Department Decimal Files 511.63411-2152, Records Group 84, Box 2461, "Evaluation Report: Voice of America in Aus- tria" (21 January 1952) 3. Andreas Reischek, "Intendant" at RWR in 1950 and an Austrian citizen, in a memo to ISB Chief Mr. Ray Lee, noted that most Austrians viewed RWR as an Austrian network that occasionally broadcast programming provided by the Americans. US National Archives, US Forces, Austria, ISB, Radio Section, General Records (1945-50), Box 7, File 80 ("Mr. Green Correspondence," March 23, 1950-October 6, 1950) 2.

20The ISB conducted an extensive series of listener surveys throughout Austria in 1947- 48 and took particular note of listener antipa- thy to political broadcasts. 70% of respon- dents in one poll indicated that they never thought about politics and politicals issues. See US Forces, Austria, ISB, Survey Section, Re- port No. 19 ("Ansichten der Wiener Bevolke- rung iiber Politik und Regierung"), 10 Janu- ary 1948: 3.

21See note 18. Although salaries were raised from a previous lowpoint of $3 to $5 for a one-hour show, wages were still not high enough to allow Austrian radio networks to compete with German stations for young tal- ent like Ingeborg Bachmann.

22"The responsibility for serious and light entertainment programming was left to the Austrian staff [...I.", Memorandum of 22 May 1951 from Mr. William Stricker to Mr. Alfred Puhan. US National Archives, State Depart- ment Alpha-numeric Files A-6751680 (Office of Italian and Austrian Affairs, 1949-531, Re- cords Group 59, Box 6, Lot 54D541, 2. Both Weiser and Mauthe emphasize this freedom in their memoirs on RWR.

23Repo1-t of the Radio Officer (20 May 1950),US National Archives, US Forces, Aus- tria, ISB, Records Group 260, Radio Section (General Records 1945-50), Box 7, File 80, 7.

24Report of the Radio Officer (20 May 1950) 7.

25In a letter to the author of this article dated 17 September 1999 Peter Weiser indi- cates that Bachmann was also involved, among other things, with the production of the political satire series, Die Biirger von Schmeggs, as well as the quiz program, Hier lost sich alles auf

26This was one of the few RWR programs to survive the takeover by ~sterreichischer Rundfunk in 1955. Despite the latter's desire to eliminate reminders of the "Besatzungs- sender" from the airwaves after the takeover, the new Austrian network could ill afford to cancel the series, "[...] da auch die Politiker aller Parteien mit Kind und Kegel diese Sen- dung horten[...]" (Weiser, "Geschichte" 251).

27The series was at first entitled Die Fa- milie Floriani, but was soon thereafter listed in published RWR program schedules as Die Radiofamilie. The program also shifted its broadcast time in the fall of 1952 from Satur- day evening (9:30-10:OO) to Sunday afternoon (4:30-5:OO).

2*Mauthe indicates that Wolfgang Kudrnofsky argued for the series to center around a dysfunctional family from the work- ing classes: "Sein Vorschlag war eine Gegen- Familie: ein Hausmeisterehepaar mit einem schwachsinnigen Sohn und einer Tochter, mit welcher der Vater Blutschande treibt- eine Art 'Addams-Familie' auf wienerisch halt." According to Mauthe, when this idea was rejected by the other scriptwriters, Kudrnofsky resigned from the Script Depart- ment and left RWR (Mauthe, "Script Depart- ment-Was ist das?" 252).

29Peter Weiser, "Die Familie Nr. 1. Hor- spiel. Versuch einer Rekonstruktion," Jorg Mauthe. Sein Leben auf 33 Ebenen, David Axmann, ed. (Vienna: Edition Atelier, 1994)

26. Although presented in dialogue form, the words attributed here to Mauthe and others are not meant as direct quotations, but as broad renderings of ideas exchanged at this initial meeting.

30See note 20.

3lWalter Davy in an interview with Ursula Eripek (21 April 19991, cited from the latter's Diplomarbeit (Vienna, 1999) entitled "Ein uberzeugter und uberzeugender Wiener. Ein Beitrag zur Biographie von Jorg Mauthe 1924-1986," 105.

32Weiser, "Familie No. 1"33. Mauthe later authored a television series, Familie Merian, which ran between 1980 and 1985 and was similarly based on the concept of portraying the everyday life of a representative, albeit more modern Austrian family.

33See note 29.

3*J. Mauthe in a conversation with A. Hapkemeyer (19821, cited from Hapkemeyer 44.

35Cited from Hapkemeyer 59.

36Holzinger is also the name of the charac- ter played by Jorg Mauthe in the weekly politi- cal discussion show on RWR, Wie geht's, wie steht's? which Mauthe and Weiser began short- ly after both were hired by RWR in early 1951.

37Ingeborg Bachmann, Letter to Ernst Suchan (15 February 19521, Hans Weigel Nachlal3 ("Korrespondenz"), Rathausbiblio- thek der Stadt Wien.

3sSee Mauthe, "Script Department" 250-

51. Although he similarly attributes the idea for the series to Arthur Bardos in his foreword to the novel Die Familie Floriani (2nd ed., 1990,248), Peter Weiser indicated in a letter to the author of this article (25 January 2000) that another Radio Officer at RWR, Mr. Wil- liam Stricker, actually came up with the idea: "Mr. Arthur A. Bardos [...I war ein groRer Forderer der Radio-Familie, aber die Idee stammt nicht von ihm, sondern wurde in langen Gesprachen mit seinem Vorgiinger Wil- liam Stricker ventiliert [...I. Mr. Bardos war aber entscheidend an der Umsetzung dieser Idee in die Realitat beteiligt."

SgMauthe, "Script Department" 251: "Die Bachmann und ich haben uns dann in das klei- ne Tschoch in der Bandgasse gesetzt und be- raten. Innerhalb von zwei Stunden hatten wir das Konzept beisammen." Weiser notes in the afterword to the novel Die Familie Floriani (2"d ed., 1990,248) that Bachmann was still a secretary at RWR when this occurred in "Spat- herbst 1951." The question of who else was present at this brainstorming session appears to remain open, for Weiser insists in his afterword to the 2nd edition of the novel that Hans Weigel was also present, while he adds the name of the series's director, Walter Davy, to those present in his reconstructed dialogue in Jorg Mauthe. Sein Leben auf 33Ebenen (see note 36). Mauthe himself does not mention who, other than himself and Bachmann, may have been present at lunch that day. Andreas Hapkemeyer also places Hans Weigel at the lunch meeting where the program was created (43).

40Weisertalks about the fate of the RWR archives in Wien. Stark bewolkt: "Eines Tages kam Herr Hohenauer [archivist at RWR] zu- riick und fand sein Rot-WeiR-Rot-Archiv nicht mehr vor. Auf Anordnung der Studio-Direk- tion waren die Platten teils verschenkt, teils vernichtet und die Biinder geloscht und ande- ren Verwendungen zugefiihrt worden. Aus Platzgriinden, wie es hieR" (108). Mauthe similarly comments on the fate of the RWR ar- chives: "Die RAVAG [...I hat das gesamte 'Rot-WeiR-Rot'-Archiv geloscht. [...I Ich kriege heute noch Wut- und Zornanfdle und mocht' am liebsten weinen, wenn man be- denkt, was alles zugrunde gegangen ist" ("Zeugen der Zeit," ORF Nachlese 3/86; cited from Ursula Eripek 28). However, Elisabeth Hob1 Jahn alludes to scripts and audio tapes of pre-1955 Radiofamilie broadcasts from the historical archives of ORF in her article on Austrian radio in the 1950s (2421, indicating that at least some of the materials may have survived the takeover.

41Jorg Mauthe and Peter Weiser, Familie Floriani. Ein wienerischer Jahreslauf in drei- Pig Bildern (Vienna: Kremayr & Scheriau, 1954; 2nd ed. Vienna: Edition Atelier, 1990). The subtitle of the second edition replaces "Jahreslauf" with "Lebenslauf"

42Letter from Weiser to the author of this article (17 September 1999): "Ihre Vermutung stimmt. Die Spalte mit den Einzelbuchstaben bezeichnet unsere Vornamen. Die Erwlihnung der Vornamen bedeutet, daR der Betreffende der Verfasser des Manuskriptes gewesen ist."

43Weiser says in his afterword to the novel Familie Floriani (248-49) that Bachmann also contributed to the first episode of the series, which is also indicated by Mauthe in his de- scription of the series's creation (see "Script Department"). However, the index only shows the letter '3."

44The list is part of Mauthe's NachlaB; copy in possession of the author. The script of No. 63 ("Puppenspiele 11") is missing from Mauthe's papers.

45Her participation in a literature sympo- sium at Veit an der Glan on 12 October 1952 and the "Gruppe 47" fall meeting later that month did not prevent her from completing two full manuscripts that month. She did not produce a manuscript the following May, when she again attended the "Gruppe 47" meeting in Mainz, nor again when the Radiofamilie series took a short vacation break in August. Her last two attributed scripts were "Kunstausstellung," written jointly with Jorg Mauthe and broadcast during her absence in early June, and "Puppenspiele 11," which was broad- cast in September and which had likely been prepared, or at least begun, prior to her depar- ture from the station. The latter script may in fact have been written in conjunction with the "Puppenspiel I" episode broadcast on 3 July 1953. However, the script of "Puppenspiel 11" is not among the extant manuscripts and a closer determination cannot be made at this time.

46According to Peter Weiser, the script- writers would typically come together on a Monday to discuss possible topics and to assign that week's script, which then had to be pro- duced by Friday in order to be copied and dis- tributed to the actors for recording the next day (Letter from Weiser to the author, 20 De- cember 1999).

47Weiser, Wien 104: "Sie [Bachmannl, die selbst nie Radio horte [...I."

48See Constanze Hotz, "Die Bachmann." Das Image der Dichterin: Ingeborg Bachmann im journalistischen Diskurs (Konstanz: Faude, 1990) 35-36. Bachmann's radio play is vari- ously described in these reviews as both "ein Stuck Neuland fur das Horspiel" and as "rund- funkmliaig [...I speziell kiinstlerisch."

49See note 2.

50Among the books purchased for the Script Department were: Max Wylie, Radio and Television Writing (1950), Rome Cowgill, Fundamentals of Writing for Radio (1949), John S. Carlile, Production and Direction of Radio Programs (1939), and James Whipple How to Write for Radio (1938). The remaining books dealt with topics of directing radio pro- grams, producing music broadcasts, children's programming, a selection of non-royalty plays, as well as Max Wylie's collection Best Broad- casts of 1938-39 and Best Broadcasts of 1940-41.US Forces, Austria, ISB, Radio Sec- tion (General Records 1945-50), Box 7, File 80: "Memo of Mr. M Stuart Green (Program 0%- cer) to Mr. Arthur Struck (Radio Officer)," 13 July 1950.

5lLetter from Weiser to the author (25 Jan- uary 2000).

s2The textbooks generally advised caution with regard to sound effects. Typical for this view is Max Wylie's chapter "Basic Rules for the Use of Sound" in his 1939 edition of Radio Writing: "Sound is not imperative. If Sound does not clarify a piece of stage business; if Sound does not emphasize or jix a spoken line; if Sound does not intensify atmosphere, it does not belong in the script" [Wylie's italics]. The 1950 edition of this book, which was among those published by the RWR Script Depart- ment, primarily added sections on writing for the television industry.

53See Bachmann's 1971 interview with Gerda Bijdefeld: "Ich habe fast zu friih auf- gehort mit der festen Arbeit, schon 1953. Weil ich damals einmal 1000 Mark als Honorar bekarn, habe ich halt gedacht, davon konnt' ich ein ganzes Leben leben. Aber das ging nur kurze Zeit gut, und dann nahm ich wieder eine Nebenarbeit an" (GuI, 112).

E4Letter to Herbert Eisenreich (1 1 November 1952). One month earlier, Bachmann told Eisenreich of her recent trip to Italy, where she was "alles in allem, sehr verloren." Puzzled at her own reaction, she remarks: "Komisch, dass es Leute gegeben hat, die einmal ein 'Italien- erlebnis' hatten."

55For the period from 7 September to 16 November. She also originated with Jorg Mauthe the series "Die Biirger von Schmeggs" based on the "Schildbiirger," although none of the manuscripts are directly attributed to her in the index of that series. See also note 25.

56Ingeborg Bachmann, letter to Herbert Eisenreich (11November 1952).

57The story was originally composed for publication in the periodical Merkur sometime between 1955 and 1957 (I1 604).

58Hans Werner Richter, Zm Etablissement der Schmetterlinge 56.

Works Cited

Achberger, Karen R. Understanding Ingeborg Bachmann. Columbia.U of South Carolina I:

1995. Bartsch, Kurt. Zngeborg Bachmann. 1977Stuttgart:J.B. Metzlersche Verlagsbuchhandlung,


Beicken, Peter. Ingeborg Bachmann. Munich:

C.H. Beck, 1988.

Hapkemeyer, Andreas. Ingeborg Bachmann. Entwicklungslinien in Werk und Leben. Vienna: Verlag der osterreichischen Akademie der WissenschaRen, 1991.

Hob1Jahn,Elisabeth. "Ohrenzeugen." Die "wil- den" fiinfiiger Jahre. Gesellschaft, Formen und Gefihle eines Jahnehnts in ~sterreich. Ed. Gerhard Jagschitz and Klaus-Dieter Mulley St. Polten: Verlag Niederiisterreichi- sches Pressehaus, 1984.232-44.

Hotz, Constance. "Die Bachmann." Das Image der Dichterin: Ingeborg Bachmann im jour- nalistischen Diskurs. Konstanz: Faude, 1990.

Ingeborg Bachmann. Wir miissen wahre Slitze finden. Gespldiche und Interviews. Christine Koschel and Inge von Weidenbaum, eds. Munich: Piper, 1983.

Ingeborg Bachmann. Werke. Christine Koschel, Inge von Weidenbaum and Clemens Miinster,

eds. 4vols. Munich: Piper, 1982. Mauthe, Jorg."Script Department -wasist das?"

Vom Dritten Reich zum Dritten Mann. Helmut Qdtingers Welt der uierziger Jahre, ed. Wolf- gangKudrnofsky. Vienna: Fritz Molden, 1973. 24755.

"Red-White-Red Programming Changes and Public Relations Thereto" (27March 1951), US National Archives, State Department DecimalFiles 51 1.6343-2751, RecordsGroup 84,Box2461 (Austria 1950-1954).

Richter, Hans Werner. 'Wien 1952."Ms., HWR-NacW. Berliner Akadernie der Kiinste, 1952.

-.Zm Etablissement der Schrnetterlinge. Ein- undzwanzigPortraits aus der Gruppe 47. Munich: Hanser, 1986.4542. Weigel, Sigrid. Ingeborg Bachmann. Hinter- lassenschaften unter Wahrung des Briefge- heimnisses. Vienna: PaulZsolnay, 1999. Weiser, Peter. "Die Familie Nr. 1. Horspiel. Versuch einer Rekonstruktion." Jorg Mauthe: Sein Leben auf 33Ebenen,ed. David Axmann. Vienna: Edition Atelier, 1994.25433. ."Die Geschichte der Familie Floriani. " Jorg Mauthe and Peter Weiser, Familie Floriani. Ein wienerischer Lebenslauf in dreipig Bildern.Vienna: Edition Atelier, 1990.24842. . Wwn. Stark bewolkt. Vienna: Christian BranWtter, 1984.

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