Ariosto's Fable of Power: Bradamante at the Rocca di Tristano

by Charles Ross
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Title:
Ariosto's Fable of Power: Bradamante at the Rocca di Tristano
Author:
Charles Ross
Year: 
1991
Publication: 
Italica
Volume: 
68
Issue: 
2
Start Page: 
155
End Page: 
175
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English
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Abstract:

Ariosto's Fable of Power: Bradamante at the Rocca di
Tristano
CHARLES

ROSS

"Sweet are the uses of adversity" -Duke Senior

hat a custom exists, that it is the norm, validates its prescriptions juridically and politically, Lyotard observes.' This validation, however, is not without effect on group members who struggle to con- form to the custom. In the face of massive social conventions, "social actors" orient their behavior by a conscious or reflexive knowledge of shared norms-language, tradition, society, rules. They play off those norms to manage and transform a situation. They create an arena within which freedom is p~ssible.~

Huizinga's homo ludens is today's ''practical rea~oner."~

Paradoxically, then, social constraints give individuals definition. The political oppression of Italy, Machiavelli hoped, would produce an Italian prince: oppression forces a people to recognize their abil- ities, and they produce great leaders as a sort of counterpressure. In a terse passage in The Prince, Machiavelli gave examples from his- tory: as Israel followed Moses when enslaved by the Egyptians, the Persians under the domination of the Medes recognized Cyrus, and the dispersed Athenians turned to Theseus, so Italy, overrun by bar- barians, is ready for a prince (chapter 6).The medieval topos of tae- dium curiae preceded the appearance of Castiglione's polished court- ier, and man's new-stamped identity has been a dominant theme of Renaissance studies since Burckhardt.

In the wake of the sack of Rome-which to some signals the end of the Italian Renaissance-toward the end of his life, Ariosto bril- liantly illustrated such modes of resistance to the form and pressure of the times. His Bradamante dramatizes the paradox of freedom in acquiescence during the Rocca di Tristano episode, one of the late ad- ditions to the Orlando Furioso (1532).A half century later Edmund Spenser clarified the manipulations inherent in her behavior. Spenser isolated the situation of one who confronts a questionable custom but does not make an issue of its m~rality.~

Spenser's reading of the Furioso presents preliminary evidence that Ariosto's fictional progen- itor of the Este family offers a crucial insight into that crisis of indi- vidualism that since Burckhardt has shaped our notion of the Italian Renaissance ethics.

As Book IV of The Faerie Queene opens, Britomart [a country cousin, C. S. Lewis said, of Ariosto's Bradamante) has not yet dis- closed her identity to Amoret, whom she has rescued from Busirane's tortures: Amoret fears she owes her body to her deliverer. The pair ride until they reach a "a Castell," where "[tlhe custome of that place was such" that anyone who has not "love nor lemman there in store, / Should either winne him one, or lye without the dore" (4.1.9).5

Britomart easily solves this castle custom, which seems designed to admit only heterosexual couples. Armed with her ebony spear (Spenser's version of Bradamante's golden lance), she gains accep- tance for herself and Amoret by defeating a "iolly knight" who seeks Amoret as his entrance partner. Then Britomart upsets the apple cart. She has already overcome social custom by concealing her sex; now she overcomes it again by revealing herself. After asking the sene- schal of the castle to ratify her victory as a man, she gains entrance for the nameless iolly knight by claiming that because she is a woman, she may be allowed entry with a man.

In contrast to more conventional castle scenes, Britomart both ac- cepts and devalues custom by her own terms and solution. She practices (in the sense of undermining)by participating. Despite, even be- cause of, the custom's claims on her, she operates freely. And her confidence goes beyond her ebony spear. She decides to do things the hard way-to have the "iolly knight" admitted too-thereby imposing a new possibility of failure before the custom's challenge. Instead of destroying the castle or its custom, she overgoes the rules. Her wit, as conveyed by her words, allows her to set the fashion for the castle, if not alter the custom.

Her mechanism for this feat demonstrates how the weak overmas- ter dominant social forces. Rather than obtaining a strategic victory, Britomart obtains victory by what de Certeau calls tactical means. In de Certeau's terms, "a tactic depends on time-it is always on the watch for opportunities that must be seized 'on the wing.' "6 That is, Britomart imposes a solution dependent not on force alone, but also on time. Britomart owes her victory in the joust to the irresistible en- chantment of her ebony spear, but her triumph over the castellan is a temporal trick. Having declared herself a woman, she could not again fight for Amoret. The ruse is not reversible.

Rajna long ago traced the custom of the castle topos to episodes in thirteenth-century prose romances such as the Lancelot, Tristan, and ~alamedBs.' Generally, the custom of the castle is that any stranger knight who seeks lodging must defeat the castle's current guests, and then maintain the custom in turn by taking on any new arrivak8 Al- though the topos may be overtly allegorized, as when in The Quest of the Holy Grail Percival is informed that the Castle of Maidens is Hell and the defending knights are deadly sins, Rajna thought such scenes merely revealed the errant knight's prowess. Even Rosemond Tuve has implied that the accepted convention of an "inviolable 'cus- tom' "is less interesting than the ordinary realism that marks many chivalric romance^.^ Recent book-length studies of Ariosto's Or- lando Furioso do not recognize Bradamante's confrontation with this romance convention.1°

Other critics have assumed that when Ariosto added Bradamante's adventure at the Rocca di Tristano to the third edition of his poem, he was continuing his existing theme of the oppression of women. Bradamante, after all, has been not only confined to her parents' home at Montalbano, but she has been forced into the passive role of waiting for Ruggiero, whose Saracen affiliations keep him away from her as he serves King Agramante. After she receives false information that Ruggiero loves someone else, Bradamante decides to sneak away from her watchful parents and seek her betrothed. Before setting out she laments at length because Ruggiero has not come home to her, estab- lishing the mood for her ensuing adventure (OF 32.10-49).

The custom of the Rocca di Tristano follows gendered guidelines, imitating what is probably its main source, Tristan's adventure at Chaste1 Plor (the Weeping Castle): males joust, females enter a brief beauty contest to determine victory. Peter DeSa Wiggins, as a result, finds that Bradamante's clever solution to the custom that threatens to thrust an innocent woman outside the castle walls "exposes the vulgarity of all such recourse to gender for self-definition."" Another critic calls the custom of Tristan's castle "misogynous" and declares that Bradamante "overthrows" the custom.12 This summation is somewhat misleading, and like previous commentary, overly restric- tive of a complex and important episode.13 In what follows I will show thatBradamantelsvictoryistactical, not strategic. The Christianhero- ine does not overcome local custom, she outmaneuvers it. The dis- tinction is important because the episode is about more than the lim- itations of gender. It illustrates a challenge to the justice of custom itself, which has hardened into a social order.

The Rocca di Tristano also corroborates the historical circum- stances of its late composition. Custom almost always had a negative valence during the Middle Ages. Chaucer typically qualifies custom and its synonym "usage" with the adjectives wicked or evil or wrong- ful. But as J. G. A. Pocock showed, a remarkable shift occurred, and by the end of the sixteenth century critics of legal thought were ar- guing that social customs, not statutes, were the basis of national law.14 Fornari tells us that Ariosto never opened a law book during his attendance at Ferrara's ~tudio.'%onetheless, through the poly- semous and richly intertextual image of the custom of the castle Ario- sto mediated the cultural strains felt in Italy during the transitional years that saw the rise of Protestantism, the sack of Rome, and the end of what we call the Italian ~enaissance.'~

A keen perceiver of human nature, Ariosto was a man whose per- sonality made him the ideal instrument to record a shift in attitude to the past contained in the notion of custom or usage. He loathed institutions at all times-patronage, church preferment, titles (he never used the title his father had bought from the Emperor Frederick I11 in 1472)) stilted forms of address (his second satire, lines 76-81, mocks the Spanish "signore" that replaced the heartier Italian "fra- tello" in curial speech), and marriage. In a famous passage in his Satires, he records how he was sent to Rome in 1513 to congratulate Giuliano de' Medici on his elevation to the papacy. Ariosto found his former friend so puffed by his election as to forbid access, leaving the poet to trudge home in the rain, where he took supper alone in his lodgings. He lacked persistence, the ability to serve as they do who only stand and wait, that characterized the real life of a courtier more than the finer accomplishments Castiglione recommended. On an- other occasion he wrote to his friend Benedetto Fantino, chancellor to his patron Cardinal Ippolito dlEste, of his failure to reach the newly installed Cardinal Bibbiena, although he knew the man well,

perche ha sempre intorno un si grosso cerchio de gente che ma1 si po penetrare, si perche si conven combattere a x usci prima che se arrivi dove sia: la qua1 cosa a me i: tanto odiosa, che non so quando lo vedessi; ne anco tento de vederlo, ne lui ne omo che sia in quel palazo: pur per vostro amor forzaro la natura mia."

either because he always has around him such a large circle of people that one cannot easily penetrate, or because one has to contend with ten entranceways before arriving in his presence: such a procedure is obnoxious to me. I am never sure if I will see him, nor would I really try to see either him or any man in that palace, were it not that my re- gard for you forces me to act against my nature.''

Unlike Bradamante, Ariosto could not wave a magic staff to get through the crowd.

In the years after 1515, when the text of the first edition went to press, Ariosto struggled against the system of patronage that struc- tured his life as a courtier. As indifferent to the institutions of Rome as he was to life in the cold climate of Hungary, he left Cardinal Ip- polito's service. He waged a law suit with the Este over his cousin Rinaldo's inheritance. And then from 1522 to 1525, bowed by finan- cial need, he served at his own suggestion as governor of the Gar- fagnana, a barbarous mountain province far from Ferrara, far from his mistress Alessandra Benucci Strozzi.

In his Satires the poet complains of the constant noise made by the confluence of rivers beneath his castle walls. A visit to Castelnuovo confirms the tumult, but the noise may also be symbolic of the wild mountain populace whose ways Ariosto struggled to control.19 As governor of the lawless and rugged Garfagnana he sought to play the part of Spenser's Artegall, the knight of justice. He would not have the duke think that "di mia volonta la iustizia, la equita e la mise- ricordia, dove si conviene, non abbia luogo" ("through any fault of mine there is lacking justice, equity, or mercy").20 But if the grim scenes of his Cinque Canti were written during his residence at Cas- telnuovo, set in a north-south valley beneath valleys so steep that the morning sun emerges only in time to set early in the afternoon, Ario- sto rejected them for another lesson he learned there.

For the local people, backed by the duke, refused to give up their weapons, to pay for more than twelve military deputies, or to let Ario- sto form a local militia.21 As captain, Ariosto found himself, like so many Renaissance officials, both constrained by his superiors and at the same time, the source of constraint on others. Duke Alfonso per- mitted him no iron man (Talus) such as Spenser's Artegall would have. Without the proper means to eliminate injustice, Ariosto was forced to maintain order with prudence.

Having survived a bad period, Ariosto returned to Ferrara for the last eight years of his life, tempered by the experience of rule but also relieved of it. He himself acquiesced to the social order-not submitted, but acquiesced. The world was changing during Ariosto's final years, and he quieted his natural longing for individual expression, his distaste for mere social convention, his unblinkered perception of the motives of men and patrons. When he made his four large ad- ditions to his poem-the episodes of Olimpia, the Rocca di Tristano, Marganorre, and Ruggiero in Hungary-Ariosto had gained what Emilio Bigi identifies as a new appreciation of the moral and religious values of traditional ethics-courtesy, loyalty, faith in divine provi- den~e.~~

He bought his famous house (because already inscribed parva sed mihi apta?), which let him live not closer, but a little fur- ther away from Alessandra Benucci. He married her, but only, it seems, to assure her inheritance. They kept their relationship secret mainly because Ariosto was uninterested in the social sanction of wedlock, not because he retained church benefices. Catalano has shown that he had given them up (145).~~

If Bradamante's laments for Ruggiero create a personal context for her stay at the Rocca di Tristano, an intervening event in the canto suggests a wider arena that embraces the relation of the individual to society. As Bradamante travels toward the Rocca di Tristano, she encounters Ullania, who bears a gold shield and is accompanied by three kings. Ullania has been sent by the Queen of Iceland to search for a knight worthy to marry the distant queen. Bradamante is not slow to see that discord is sure to seize the Christian camp if Charle- magne allows a contest to determine which knight is best:

. . . in somma pensa

che questo scudo in Francia sia per porre

discordia e rissa e nimicizia immensa

fra paladini et altra, se vuol Carlo

chiarir chi sia il miglior.

(32.60Jz4

[Slhe felt that this shield was bound to breed dissensions, quarrels, and immense antagonisms in France among the paladins and others, if Charles made to establish who was supreme ~hampion.~"

Spenser registered this theme when he put a version of the Rocca di Tristano at the beginning of his Book of Friendship. The principal theme of the book is concord, and it marks a transition in The Faerie Queene from private to social virtues.26 Ullania never accomplishes her disruptive mission, h~wever.~'

Another indication of the larger scope within which Ariosto's ep- isode should be seen is that canto thirty-two begins with perhaps the most powerful image in the poem of the fate of the unprotected when King Agramante hangs Brunello, the diminutive king of Tingitana. He does so because he seeks a way to please the poem's other great female warrior, Marfisa, who has offered the beleaguered king her ser- vices. The war in France is going badly for Agramante at this point in the poem. He has retreated with his army to Arles, not least because

his great warrior Rodamonte, driven by guilt over the suicide of Isa- bella, has retired to his own private castle and, like Achilles, refuses to fight. An outsider even in the Saracen camp, Brunello is helpless because his champion Ruggiero is not present to save him from the gallows. Bradamante is similarly marked by Ruggiero's absence when she sets out to find him. But she has rhetorical powers that Ariosto denies to the swift thief who stole Sacripante's horse and who, in Boiardo, was a persuasive speaker.28

Brooding, then, over Ruggiero's supposed disloyalty as she leaves home, but also concerned about possible discord in the Christian camp, Bradamante lets her reins loose and rides where her horse Ra- bicano desires after she parts from Ullania (32.62).The weather turns as foul as her thoughts, and she asks a shepherd where she can lodge for the night. Uncommonly precise (Rajna queried, could a shepherd have told her all this!),29 the shepherd relates a set of rules that, adding to the usual contests of strength and beauty, make the order of arrival of passersby a matter of great importance in determining whether the keepers of the castle will permit lodging or not:

Se quando arriva un cavallier, si trova vota la stanza, il castellan I'accetta; ma vuol, se sopravien poi gente nuova, ch'uscir fuori alla giostra gli prometta. Se non vien, non accade che si mova: se vien, forza i: che l'arme si rimetta e con lui giostri, e chi di lor val meno, ceda l'albergo, et esca a1 ciel sereno.

Se duo, tre, quattro o piu guerrieri a un tratto vi giungon prima, in pace albergo v'hanno; e chi di poi vien solo, ha peggior patto, perche seco giostrar quei piu lo fanno. Cosi, se prima un sol si sara fatto quivi alloggiar, con lui giostrar voranno i duo, tre, quattro o piu che verran dopo; si che s'avra valor, gli fia a grande uopo.

Non men se donna capita o donzella,

accompagnata o sola a questa rocca,

e poi v'arrivi un'altra, alla piu bella

l'albergo, et alla men star di fuor tocca.
(OF32.65-68)

If a knight finds room at the castle on his arrival, the lord of the castle will receive him, but on condition that the guest promises, if others ar- rive, to go out and joust with them. Should no one else turn up, there is no need for the guest to move; but if someone does arrive, he needs must re-arm himself and joust with him, and the one who comes off worse must give up his lodging and go out into the open air. / If two, three, four, or more warriors arrive there first all together, they can lodge there in peace, while whoever arrives alone after them is faced with a worse proposition: he has to joust with all of them together. Sim- ilarly, if a single traveller has arrived first, he will have to joust with the two, three, four, or more who arrive later. So if he has valour, he shall need every bit of it. / Similarly, if a woman or maid, whether ac- companied or alone, arrives at this castle, and if, after her, another ar- rives, the more beautiful is accommodated while the less beautiful has to stay outside.

Potential discord characterizes the shepherd's complex set of rules for precedence. In theory, any individual who arrives at the Rocca di Tristano faces the possibility that a group will already be there or will later arrive, and in either case the single knight must joust with every member of the group. An individual already part of a group, however, may chance never to have to joust (or line up in a beauty contest), since someone preceding him in the order of combat may succeed in preserving the group's right to lodging. As Ariosto tells the story, such an advantage for the group is more thematic than practical. Brada- mante easily defeats the kings of Norway, Sweden, and Gothland. But the potential remains. As in Spenser's episode, the castle's custom is designed to punish the single traveler.

So warned, Bradamante arrives at the castle fully informed of the custom and ready to participate, despite the potential hazards, "che so l'usanza, e di servarla intendo" (32.70). She has been preceded by Ullania and her companion knights, who spur faster than the med- itative maiden. Seeking shelter, she issues a challenge to the castle's guests. In response, the knights who had hoped to win the Queen of Iceland's shield of gold reluctantly leave their hot supper and arm to joust in the cold rain. Bradamante must defeat not just one, but all three of them. Even had she arrived first, the custom would have dic- tated that she joust each member of a late-arriving group.

Social grouping takes precedence over the order of arrival, and the nature of the group is also significant. Only the knights must fight. Everyone else-the lower classes, the entourage-remain within. Outside, where the moon shines despite the falling rain, on the mar- gins but still part of the game, Bradamante feels like a lover who fur- tively turns a door key (32.74). She must win three contests, whereas the knights may individually lose and yet, because they are part of a group, still sleep indoors if one of their company defeats her. Bra- damante wins in the event, and enters the castle.

The lance of gold that assures her victory serves a double purpose here. Its mere existence undermines the premise of Ullania's mission to use male aggression to create social disorder. Even a weak knight, even a woman, could win the golden shield and gain the hand of the Queen of Iceland-or gain entrance to what we might translate as the Tower of Tristan-if that person had the golden spear. Moreover, the spear is a talisman of power, which symbolizes but does not com- pletely explain Bradamante's prowess. Significantly, in the first two editions of Ariosto's poem, Bradamante knows the lance's charms; in the third Ariosto keeps her ignorant of it, increasing the rigor of her struggle against custom.

Once Bradamante enters Tristan's Tower, several things happen that comment in subtle ways on what would otherwise be the strange oration on social groupings by the shepherd Bradamante chanced to meet. First, Bradamante takes an oath to defend the custom of the cas- tle. Then, over dinner, she asks about its origin. After dinner, her host suddenly remembers that the custom of the castle requires that Bra- damante, as a woman, face Ullania in a beauty contest, since they did not arrive together, "[plerche non vi son giunte amendue a un'ora" (32.97): Judgment is quickly passed, but when Ullania is told she must depart, Bradamante finds a way to appeal the verdict. Finally, after the story of origins and after Bradamante wins her right to stay and to re- tain Ullania, she views a series of panels that illustrate Italy's suscep- tibility to foreign invasion. Although the interwoven complexity of the poetic context argues against any fixed hermeneutic, any stable interpretation of the Rocca di Tristano, these three divisions-the tale of origins, the contest, and the painted panels of the castle- create a protocol of opposition and acquiescence consonant with an aulic, social interpretation of the episode.

The center of the episode is Bradamante's reaction to the beauty contest. The castellan calls two old servitors and some women to judge as he holds a quick competition, which Bradamante wins, even though she is disheveled after unhelmeting ("inculta," 32.99). The re- sult is that Ullania must leave the castle. Bradamante does not object to the custom or the decision until punishment is pronounced, when Ariosto compares her changed mood to the sudden darkening of the sun by a cloud rising from a valley (32.100). Then, rather than attack the custom, Bradamante objects to the castellan's strict application of the custom. Her language turns the beauty contest into a contest of law, the castle into a court:

A me no par che ben deciso
ne che ben giusto alcun giudicio cada,
ove prima non s'oda quanto nieghi
la parte o affermi, e sue ragioni alleghi.

'It does not seem to me that any judgment can be regarded as mature

and just unless an audience has first been given to the interested party,

her denials and observations taken into account.'

(32.101;my emphasis) Armed with a golden spear, fully confident despite her sex, and in rhetorical control, Bradamante does not challenge the custom (the law), but the procedure. Her first tactic is to establish her right to be heard. She does this by claiming to speak for Ullania. By not interrupt- ing her, the castellan in effect lets her take the case: "10 ch'a difender questa causa toglio," she says (32.102), and so Bradamante speaks for ~llania.~' Next Bradamante shifts the focus of the custom, making herself the issue. As well as defense counsel, she becomes the defendant-the issue, the focus of the custom-instead of the silent Ullania. Having put herself in the position of the defendant, she further bullies the cas- tellan of the Rocca di Tristano into accepting her on whichever terms she chooses, as a maiden or as a warrior. Arguing that her femininity is unverified, Bradamante challenges the castellan to prove she is a woman without stripping her, to deny that men can have long hair, to accept that warriors must not be judged on their beauty (32.102- 03). Her logic is flimsy, especially since the keeper of the castle knows her and her family (32.81), but her words are effective because he can- not take any of these positions unequivocally. Flimsy logic is not nec- essarily no logic, and Bradamante operates like one today who, claim- ing that he has never established presence in a state that would render him liable to its jurisdiction, must be present to make the denial. Spe- cial care is required when making such an appearance in order to deny one's pre~ence.~'

Bradamante's tricky purpose in raising unanswer- able questions about gender identity is to deny the castellan and the custom of the castle jurisdiction over her.

To deny jurisdiction is not to deny the power of the law. Jurisdic- tion concerns, rather, the power of the law to reach an individual. The appeal to a higher, more universal authority has the same effect and is equally difficult to achieve in real courts. Bradamante makes such an appeal by creating a moral issue where the custom itself does not raise one. She asks if it is fair that one should lose for lack of beauty what one has gained by valor: "Perder per men belta giusto non parmi I quel c'ho acquistato per virtu con l'armi" (32.104). Fairness is never an issue when the operation of custom is concerned-as distinct from the custom itself. It makes no difference to the ancient custom estab- lished by Clodione that Bradamante gains entrance first as a knight. Her being inside or outside the castle will not alter the results of the beauty contest, which Clodione established in order to exploit the chivalric practice of Tristan.

Bradamante seems to recognize the irrelevance of her arguments when she caps her discourse by echoing the ancient dualism of the chanson de geste, that Christians are right and pagans wrong. Bra- damante threatens to maintain her position, right or wrong, in com- bat against any challenger, "che '1 mio sia vero, e falso il suo parere" (32.106). The voice of the Furioso readily points out that Bradamante gets her way, ultimately, because she successfully threatens the cas- tellan, "a1 signor de l'albergo persuade / con ragion molte e con parlare accorto, /ma molto piu con quel ch'al fin concluse" (32.106; my em- phasis). The amused, hectoring narrator quickly shifts attention away from what, to that moment, has been Bradamante's successful manip- ulation of the custom. That Ariosto's narrator jealously steals her thunder replays once again the very nature of Bradamante's exertion of counterpressure against the voice of authority. As a result, Bra- damante's threat exposes the injustice of force that underlies laws binding the social order. Her terms make her a winner only if she is a warrior. Her sword parodies the sword of justice.

In the episode of the Rocca di Tristano, details of which Spenser borrowed for Britomart's adventures, Ariosto emphasizes the individ- ual who struggles against the oppression of a social institution. By making the focus of the old custom-of-the-castle topos a woman, Ario- sto finds a way to figure the weakness of even a strong individual. The valorization of Bradamante's acquiescence to a custom is supported by the two major digressions to Bradamante's adventure. These two wings, so to speak, of the Rocca di Tristano episode are, first, the story told by the keeper of the castle about the origin of the evil custom, and second, the political prophecies pictured in the castle's gallery.

The founder of the custom of the castle is Clodione, the son of Fieramont-that Pharamond of Shakespeare and French legend who is the supposed founder of French law.32 To justify his own conduct, the castellan tells of the arrival once upon a time of Tristan, a stranger, at Clodione's castle. Clodione is a jealous man, who refuses to allow Tristan into his home where he keeps a jealous eye on his wife. An- gered by this inhospitable gesture, Tristan challenges not just Clodi- one, but Clodione and his ten knights. Tristan adds the provision that after he defeats the group, its members must lodge outside (32.87). Clodione has enough of a sense of honor that he feels compelled to accept Tristan's challenge ("Per non patir quest'onta, va il figliuolo / del re di Francia a rischio de la morte" [32.87]), but his force and that of his men is insufficient. Tristan defeats everyone and sends the son of the king of France outside for the night.

After he expels Clodione, Tristan suggests that while Clodione is out in the cold, he might want a woman. He teases him for losing, and claims that on the premise that only the brave deserve the fair, Clodione cannot be allowed to have his fair wife. Instead, Tristan of- fers to send forth a less beautiful woman with whom he had been trav-

Then, because the story turns on the relativity of insider and outsider, of one who is in a group and one who is a stranger, it is fitting that Tristan tries to show Clodione the ennobling power of love, to suggest that love should lead him to welcome others into his house, not blind him with jealousy. Clodione rejects the offer of the woman, and he fails to learn the lesson of hospitality. From his nocturnal van- tage outside in the wind, Clodione feels only the effects of force, not the persuasion of pedagogy. He sees that the strongest knight remains inside the castle. And he listens to Tristan, the exemplar of chivalry, demean a woman who lacks beauty.

Following Tristan's departure, Clodione turns Tristan's taunt into a rule of law. He establishes a new social practice based on Tristan's cavalier attitude toward women. The new custom is that only the strongest knight may stay inside the castle, and only the most beau- tiful woman. Clodione, then, overturns Tristan's lesson in hospitality by twisting Tristan's mocking threat. As a result Clodione's rules stand symbolically for the original act of injustice, the result of a clash of two sets of values, whose unequal resolution the castle comes to symbolize.

That gendered guidelines represent more than a local example of misogyny becomes clear if we compare Ariosto's episode to its main source, the custom established by Brehus sans Pitie in the prose
~ristan.~~

In that story, with its obvious echoes of the vulgate cycle and Grail story, the custom of the Weeping Castle is said to derive from the days of Joseph of Arimathea, who converted all of England except for the Isle of the Giant. The tale told'is the story of paganism holding out against Christianity.

The castle itself, literally founded on the blood of Christians, is a sign of former conflict, and its custom a constant reminder of the van- quished Other. The ruling giant, named Dialetes, is wounded and un- able to resist Joseph's missionaries when they first arrive, but later he struggles to restore paganism. To do so, he kills his twelve sons, who had converted. Driven almost mad by his necessary deed, Di- aletes founds a castle on the spot where the missionaries landed, in commemoration, and to avenge himself on the Christians who drove him to this outrage. When the foundation is laid, he spills the blood of all the island's Christians by cutting off their heads on that spot, then throws their bodies into the sea. "En tel maniere fu cil chastiax fondez en sanc de ~restiens."~~

In this way the castle is founded on religious difference, the most basic form of cultural Otherness. Even though by the time Tristan arrives there is grumbling about the evil custom, and Galahot (the son of Brunor, the current keeper of the cus- tom) is completely disgusted, the story suggests that the islands sus- tain the tradition because of the attraction of good government and competent succession. Vanity adds another important motive, be- cause the islanders "can always boast of good knights and beautiful ladies," "toz jorz venter de tres bons chevaliers et de tres beles dames" (Curtis, 456.57). Dialetes, something of a dialectician in perceiving his people's nature, succeeds in founding a new custom: "Cele cos- tume dura des le tens Joseph d1Abarimathie dusques au tens le roi Ar- tus, et fu finee par Tristan en tel maniere com je vos conterai" (457.3). Christianity alienates Dialetes from himself, causing him to do evil. The story confirms his Otherness by using custom, the word that in early literature implies radical difference, to describe the social be- havior founded on vengeance for shed Christian blood. In the French romance, custom has not yet picked up a positive valence, as it does in Ariosto's story.

At the Tower of Tristan and in Ariosto's source, the story of origins is told to explain the existence of a similar evil custom. Codification of custom and the legal custodianship of the state arise because the keeper of a castle's customs, as well as other castle inhabitants whose vanity custom serves, seek stability. The wandering knight errant- Tristan in the earlier story, Bradamante in the Furioso-confronts injustice that has taken the shape not just of a bad attitude toward women, but of a social institution, a place, a set of rules, a group com- mitted to the game.

But stability is not itself an ethical value. It can promote justice or injustice alike. A system of justice, or any set of social codes that seek to govern present behavior by invoking the authority of the past, can oppress an individual, as well as free him from fear. The modern equivalent of the institution whose power constricts private rights is the bureaucracy, the theme of Kafka's Castle and this passage by Gar- rison Keillor:

Organizations have no inherent virtues; no conscience, no esthetic taste, no sense of humor, no sense of justice. This is true of the Immi- gration and Naturalization Service, a hell hole of bureaucratic nincom- poopery and know-nothingism, but it is also true of the Campfire Girls, the Sierra Club, Ben & Jerry's and the Order of St. Francis. Virtue can only be said to be possessed by individuals. God's grace is not dispensed at group rates.

Any portrayal of corporations or institutions as friendly or humane or virtuous is pure mythology. Therefore, we individuals have a moral obligation to look at them with a sharp eye and be prepared to yell at them, and to give aid and comfort to individuals who battle them.36

Bradamante is only a parody of weakness, yet her initial acquies- cence to the custom of the castle casts her into an inferior role. She feels the legacy of the past which weighs on the present. She bears the burden of social order, absorbing Ullania's threat and recasting it in terms of an individual who confronts the strange custom of the Rocca di Tristano. As a result, the Rocca di Tristano is more than the product of a jealous husband for one whom Gardner called the king of court poets. In Latin institutum means practice, custom, usage, habit. In the Renaissance the word was common in the titles of ed- ucational treatises. Bradamante's struggle against custom, in the symbolic context of Tristan's Tower, becomes one of individual power against institutions great and small-the court, bureaucracy, but also the Church, the State, and even the foreign power of France.

Having defended Ullania, Bradamante views a series of political paintings that picture the foreign invasions of Italy, which climaxed in the 1527 sack of Rome. These panels elevate a sympathetic or ironic moment in the battle of the sexes into a more general image of the way past injustice threatens to replay itself in the future. "[Tlhe ingenious ways in which the weak make use of the strong," writes de Certeau, "lend a political dimension to everyday practices" (xvii). For the castle's founder Clodione is also the ancestor of those French invaders who threaten Italy in the illuminated panels that decorate the Rocca di Tristano. His father Fieramont is said to be the first French king to conceive of invading Italy (OF33.8).

As the keeper of the Rocca di Tristano guides Bradamante and her companions through future history, Ariosto makes his point perhaps too boldly: there will be no permanent French conquest of Italy, he says, because France has no roots in Italian soil ("che non lice / che '1 Giglio in quel terreno abbia radice," 33.10).Only those outsiders lilze Pipin and Charlemagne who come to assist Italy, not to invade her, will find joy ("lieto successo"] because they come not to offend ("che venuto non v'e perche l'offenda" [33.16]). The same ambiguity that adheres to one who was disgraced by his jealous passion-while following a code of honor in combat-attaches to the French nation. The panels cast the French as the potential saviors of Italy, yet their invasions bring ruin.

The panels are at once sanguine and shrill because Ariosto was writing in the twilight of Italian liberty when he added the Rocca di Tristano episode to the Furioso.From our historical distance-and we did not witness the effect of Alfonso's cannon at Ravenna-the 1527 sack of Rome is the most important international event of the period between the second and third editions of Ariosto's poem. Ariosto added a condemnation of Rome's disaster to his final edition (33.55), but from another perspective, the passage is merely one more panel in a castle known for its odd French custom, another lament for the harpies of war (OF34.1),another scene of looting. The view from Fer- rara, where general principles did not deter local opportunism, was ambiguous. Alfonso drEste assisted the foreign armies descending on Rome by constructing a pontoon bridge of boats. Ferrante Gonzaga led the Italian troops. His mother, Isabella dlEste, who had once fol- lowed the progress of the Furioso with a passion, was in Rome at the time and retreated to the Palazzo Colonna. She was shipping loot dur- ing the worst excesses of the occupation.37

But long before the Count Charles de Bourbon, leading Lutheran mercenaries sharked together by Charles V and accompanied by Span- ish tercieros and contingents of disaffected Italians, made his ruinous entry during June of 1527, Rome was culturally vulnerable. The dis- order of the church, the violence of local squabbles, the verbal abuse within her walls made Rome a place to avoid for men of such different temperament as Luther, who stayed briefly in 1508, and Erasmus, who lambasted the pomp and vitriol of Roman customs in his Ciceronianus (1528, recalling his sojourn of 1506). During the sack of Rome, the ministers of Charles V interpreted the city's misfortune as divine punishment for her corruption. The task of rebutting them fell to the papal nuncio to Spain. The beleaguered Clement VII's man was Baldassare Castiglione. As he stood before the emperor at Val- ladolid, Castiglione had already invented his lost Italy, the land of learning and civility that would be the pattern of aristocratic chivalry for the world's imagination, a shield against the ruins of time. He ar- gued that no matter how unworthy her society, Rome's institutions, symbols, and tradition were too sacred to be abused.38 But the profiler of the elegant and eloquent courtier did not dissuade Charles V from permitting the march on Rome.

Francesco Guicciardini's History of Italy provides another compel-

ling gloss on the way Italy's political vulnerability forced Italians

during Ariosto's last years to recognize the mutability of social

mores. For Guicciardini, the disaster of Rome left everything open to

question. His revisionary history asserts that when Charles VIII de-

scended to claim the kingdom of Naples, he taught Italy a lesson that

Guicciardini's prose spells out: Foreign invasions produce permanent disorder because they introduce new fashions and customs.

[Charles] entro in Asti il di nono di settembre dell'anno mille quattro- cento novantaquattro, conducendo seco in Italia i semi di innumerabili calamita, di orribilissimi accidenti, e variazione di quasi tutte le cose: perchi: dalla passata sua non solo ebbono principio mutazioni di stati, sovversioni di regni, desolazioni di paesi, eccidi di citta, crudelissime uccisioni, ma eziandio nuovi abiti, nuovi costumi, nuovi e sanguinosi modi di guerreggiare, infermita insino a quel dinon conosciute; si di- sordinorono di maniera gli instrumenti della quiete e concordia italiana che,non si essendomaipoipotuta riordinare, hanno avuto facolta altre nazioni straniere e cserciti barbari di conculcarla miserabilmente e de- ~astarla.~~

Charles entered Asti on the ninth day of September of the year 1494, bringing with him into Italy the seeds of innumerable calamities, of most horrible events and changes in almost the entire state of affairs. For his passage into Italy not only gave rise to changes of dominions, subversion of kingdoms, desolation of countries, destruction of cities and the cruelest of massacres, but alsonewfashions, new customs, new and bloody ways of waging warfare, and diseases which had been un- known up to that time. Furthermore, his incursion introduced so much disorder into Italian ways of governing and maintaining harmony, that we have never Seen able to re-establish order, thus opening the pos- sibility to other foreign nations and barbarous armies to trample upon our institutions and miserably oppress us.40

The narrator of Guicciardini's History no longer accepts his society as a given, but recognizes that it is composed of institutions and customs. Rocked by history, he looks at his own land and sees the Other. Whatever is, is wrong. Things were different in the golden age, the era before 1494. The History makes those years seem impossibly distant.

The poet, like the historian, struggled against modernity. Ariosto's relationship to the glorified past was different from Guicciardini's, not only because he wrote chivalric fiction, but because he perceived the past as he did any source of constraint. When Bradamante con- fronts a wicked custom, she is, like the world-weary Ariosto, hardly surprised that such behavior should exist. The complicated custom Bradamante must manipulate fits the image of political intrigue, and the historical context of Ariosto's late additions suggests that what upended the tradition of chivalry-the culture's term for all good custom-was a crisis in the management of the state brought about by the daily threat to the geopolitical integrity of Italy. The culture was under pressure as well. Renee of France, the woman who had mar- ried the duke's heir Ercole and would become duchess of Ferrara a year

after Ariosto's death, refused to learn Italian or give up her French ways. Her Protestant sympathies would soon be manifest, and when he died Alfonso dlEste had already noted in a letter her inability to adapt to the "customs of the country."41

Current criticism of the Furioso is divided as to whether Ariosto's poem is a monument to stability and transcendence or an attempt to evade the nightmare of history.42 The question can be rephrased in terms of subjectivity. Is Bradamante the product of social custom, or does she become a producer of it? One might as well ask whether Ario- sto lived both on the margins of society or within it. He did both. The critical consensus has long been to identify the ironic or satiric pole of Ariosto's fiction with the author himself.43 Walter Binni, moving beyond what he characterizes as a series of oxymoronic reactions by critics to Croce's conception of an Ariosto of cosmic harmony, finds Ariosto not a solitary dreamer, but a man who needed social con- tact.44 Wiggins argues convincingly that Ariosto's ironic voice emerges from one who studied to design an ideal picture of himself while at the same time finding an urbane way to express social dis- contents, "the pathos of his alienati~n."~~

The image of an inveterate tinkerer left to us by his son reconciles, for me, the tension between the individual and the social actor. Ario- sto was a man who "would not leave anything he planted for more than three months in one place," writes Virginio, "and if he sowed peaches or any kind of seed, he went so often to see if they were sprout- ing, that at last he broke the shoots."46 In his last year Ariosto re- ceived a pension from Alfonso dlAvalos, and did not fail to reward his patron with an extended encomium in the Tower of Tristan panels

132.27 and 48)-creating, in his final flourish, one of the least inter- esting sections of his poem, unless we can see such flattery as one of "the multiplicity of force relations" that Foucault defined as power: "the process which, through ceaseless struggles and confrontations, transforms, strengthens, or reverses" relations such as those that de- fine the Renaissance courtier, poet, and family man.47

At the end of his life, Ariosto drew upon the old romance conven- tion of the custom of the castle to dramatize the response of an in- dividual to an institution that lacks integrity. The Rocca di Tristano re-presents, in terms suitable to a Renaissance epic, what Robert J. Rodini has identified in the theatrical comedies Ariosto wrote during the socially unsettled era from 1490 to 1530 as a questioning of "hu- manistic certainties and . . . institutional norms."48 Bradamante's magnificent counterpressure creates a picture of an one who is both a producer and product of the social order.

The poem's image of discord, then, is not a haunted forest or male rivalry for a cold queen or even Bradamante's jealous belief (based on the twisted report of a Gascon knight) that Ruggiero intends to marry Marfisa, but Bradamante's struggle within a social convention. As the Furioso concludes, it seems that Bradamante ultimately submits to Ruggiero's greater prowess, and to marriage. But most readers would agree that she stoops to conquer, outmaneuvering the circumscrip- tions of space and propriety and custom. The theme of the Rocca di Tristano is the practice of submission-the uses to be made not just of an asymmetry of the sexes but of an individual's tactical deference to social convention.

NOTES

I would like to thank Virgil Lokke for his patient and always mellow explanations, as well as other participants in his theory reading group, spring of 1989.

'Jean-Fran~ois Lyotard, The Differend: Phrases in Dispute, trans. by Georges Van Den Abbeele (1984; Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1988), 29: "A pre- scriptive is validated juridically or politically by a normative (It is a norm that . . . ), ethically by a feeling (tied to the You ought to), etc."

'Diana Postlethwaite, "When George Eliot Reads Milton: The Muse in a Different Voice," ELH 57 (Spring 1990): 197-221: "To submit to relationship, to place another's needs and desires before one's own, may be construed as oppression; but it may also embody a kind of freedom from the narrow confines of the self" (209).

3~heterms in quotation marks are typical of the language of ethnomethodologists (such as Harold Garfinkel, Studies in Ethnomethodology [Englewood Cliffs, New Jer- sey: Prentice-Hall, 19671) that crops up in the work of a New Historicist critic who studies "the relations of power between sovereign and subject" (e.g., Louis Adrian Montrose, "The Elizabethan Subject and the Spenserian Text," in David Quint and Pa- tricia Parker, eds., Literary Theory/ Renaissance Texts [Baltimore: The Johns Hopkins University Press, 19861, 303-40), or a student of civil action and rhetoric (Victoria Kahn, "Humanism and the Resistance to Theory," in Quint and Parker, 372-96; see also her "Habermas, Machiavelli, and the Humanist Critique of Ideology," PMLA 105 119901: 464-76).

'For Stephen Greenblatt, Shakespearean Negotiations (Berkeley: University of Cal- ifornia Press, 1988), the application of morals "reflects the simultaneous perception of an inherent flaw and the determination to 'forget' that perception in an illusory res- olution." Some sacrifice of fundamental values always takes place: "The explanatory moment manifests the self-validating, totalizing character of Renaissance political theology-its ability to account for almost every occurrence, even (or above all] appar- ently perverse or contrary occurrences-and at the same time confirms for us the dras- tic disillusionment that extends from Machiavelli to its definitive expression in Hume and Voltaire" (38-39).

5At the nameless castle, where the social order is uncertain, Britomart avoids a stra- tegic confrontation, in contrast to the brutal justice of Talus (FQ 5.2.251, or to her own earlier adventure at Malecasta's castle, where the issues of right and wrong, chastity and the lack of it, are clear-cut (FQ 3.1).

6Michel de Certeau, The Practice of Everyday Life (1984; Berkeley: University of California Press, 1988), xix.

'Pi0 Rajna, Le Fonti dell' "Orlando Furioso" (Florence: Sansoni, 1900), 486-505.

'The practical and social nature of the custom of the castle distinguishes it from (although it has its roots in) the theme of private hospitality and that court hospitality that surrounds a festival, studied bv Matilda Tomarvn Bruckner, Narrative Invention in Twelfth-Century ~rench ~omance: The convention of Hospitality (1160-1200) (Lexington: French Forum, 1980).

'Allegorical Imagery (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1966), 337.

''Peter Marinelli, Ariosto and Boiardo: The Origins of "Orlando Furioso" (Colum- bia: University of Missouri Press, 19871, and Albert Russell Ascoli, Ariosto's Bitter Harmony: Crisis and Evasion in the Italian Renaissance (Princeton: Princeton Uni- versity Press, 1986).

"Figures in Ariosto's Tapestry: Character and Design in the "Orlando Furioso," (Baltimore: The Johns Hopkins University Press, 1986), 202. Wiggins repeats his for- mulation in "Spenser's Anxiety," MLN 103 (1988): 75-86, where he calls Spenser's use of the Rocca di Tristano the "profoundest" of his imitations of Ariosto and suggests the need for a harder look at the scene.

"Marianne Shapiro, The Poetics of Ariosto (Detroit: Wayne State University Press,

1988), 184.

13Wiley Feinstein, in "Bradamante in Love: Some Postfeminist Considerations in Ariosto," Forum Italicum 22 (1988): 48-59, has recently implied that the Rocca di Tristano episode counters his thesis that "Ariosto undermines Bradamante's feminist potential." I think he is right, that the episode is "more subtle and complex" than his brief comments show.

14J. G.A. Pocock, The Ancient Constitution and the Feudal Law: English Histor- ical Thought in the Seventeenth Century (1957; New York: Norton, 1967), 19: "We may never know how much of our sense of history is due to the presence in Europe of systems of customary law, and to the idealizations of the concept of custom which took place towards the end of the sixteenth century. To it our awareness of process in history is largely owing."

I5Cited by Edmund G. Gardner, The King of Court Poets (1906; New York: Green-

wood, 1968), 21, who goes on to quote from Ariosto's sixth satire, "My father drove

me with goads and lances, not merely with spurs, to turn over texts and glosses, and

kept me to that rubbish for five years" (Satire 4.154-59).

I60n the current views of the sack of Rome as a cultural watershed, see Alberto

Asor Rosa, "I1 Sacco di Roma del 1527 e l'immaginario," Rivista di studi italiani 6

(1986): 18-34.

"Letter of 7 April 1513, in Ludovico Ariosto, Satire e lettere, ed. Cesare Segre

(Turin: Einaudi, 19761, 96.

'*My translation.

''On Ariosto's aural sensitivity, see James V. Mirollo, "On the Significant Acous-

tics of Ariosto's Noisy Poem," MLN 103 (1988): 87-112.

'OLetter of June 25, 1523, in Satire e lettere, 139.

21Michele Catalano, Ludovico Ariosto, 2 vols. (Messina: Ferrara, 19511, 2:90.

"Bigi finds that a new tension between ideals and sordid reality informs the his-

torical series of French invasions portrayed on the walls of the Rocca di Tristano (33.1-

59), illustrations that Bradamante views in the second part of this addition to the 1532 version of the Furioso. See the introduction to his edition of Lodovico Ariosto, Orlando Furioso, 2 vols. (Milan: Rusconi, 19821, 36.

'3Ariosto's private marriage was probably more typical than has been thought. Be- fore the Council of Trent, free consent of the parties determined wedlock; see James

A. Brundage, Law, Sex, and Christian Society~n Medieval Europe (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1987), 552. 24Citations are from Ludovico Ariosto, Opere, ed. Adriano Seroni [Milan: Mursia, 1970). 25Here and elsewhere, Guido Waldman, trans. (London: Oxford University Press, 1974).

26The classic study of Britomart, whose tale of individual chastity in Book 111 continues in the story of friendship whose theme is concord, is by Thomas Roche, The Kindly Flame (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1964).

"Ariosto did not settle on this reprise to round out the action of the two poems, but added Ruggiero's involvement with King Leo of Hungary as a preliminary to his final duel with Rodamonte. Henri Hauvette, in L'Arioste et la poesie chevaleresque a Ferrare au debut du XVIe siecle [Paris: Champion, 19271,280, § 233, long ago caught an echo of Boiardo's poem in this aborted plot, sensing that the "trophee" was a de- parture point for new rivalries. Angelica's similar challenge-part of aplot by her father to disrupt Charlemagne's court-begins Boiardo's Orlando Innamorato and disperses the Christians, keeping Orlando from the defense of Paris. Knowing Ariosto planned yet furtherrevisions, Hauvettefound theullania additionout of keepingwith the econ- omy of the poem, and compared it to the Cinque Canti. The theme of those strange stanzas is also Discord. A council of malignant fays haunts a forest near Prague, and Charlemagne must exorcise this image of hate, chaos, violence, and deceit. Ariosto re- jected this dark expansion, and the Cinque Canti were not printed until after he died. Similarly, he seems to have rejected an open allegory of discord, leaving Ullania's mis- sion attenuated in the poem as we have it.

2%uggiero saves Brunello from the gallows in Boiardo's Orlando Innamorato (2.21.36ff.).

2yFonti, 492.

30The translation by Barbara Reynolds (Penguin, 1974) captures the image of civil order here: "Now, as the counsel for defence, I say."

3'The United States Supreme Court has held, in an infamous decision, that a state has the power to treat any appearance by a defendant as a submission to the state's jurisdiction over his person, York v. Texas, 137 U.S. 15, 11 S.Ct. 9 [1890). No state cur- rently exercises its power to lay this cruel trap. Similar issues of institutional jurisdic- tion, especially the boundaries of canon law and civil law, must have worried the legal minds of Ferrara.

32See Henry V (1.2.37). In poking fun at Clodione, Ariosto undermines the notion that customs have founders at all. Pocock observes that Machiavelli could write with what seems singular na'ivete of the man 'chi ordino' so complex a creation of history as the monarchy of France. "Custom came to be a salutary corrective to the thought of this king; all its emphasis was on gradual process, imperceptible change, the origin and slow growth of institutions in usage, tacit consent, prescription and adaptation" (The Ancient Constitution 19). Custom, when written and codified, loses its essential character. To restore authority to custom, common lawyers began to posit remote and mythical legislators (36).

"With him when he arrives at Clodione's castle is a woman whom he recently res- cued from a giant. Waldman's translation says Tristan was still pulling along the giant. The Italian probably means that the giant had been pulling the woman along when Tristan rescued her, "che traea presa a forza un fier gigante" (OF 32.84).

34Ariosto calls Rodamonte a "nuovo Breusse" when the mighty pagan builds his own castle and establishes his own custom, following his drunken killing of Isabella (OF 29.30).

35Le Roman de Tristan en prose, ed. Renee L. Curtis (Munich: Hueber, 19631,

456.17. 36"Toasting the Flag," New York Times, July 2, 1989, Op-Ed page, E 13. 371 follow AndrC Chaste], The Sack of Rome, 1527,trans. Beth Archer (Princeton:

Princeton University Press, 19831, 245: Isabella's treasure ships sank.

38Chastel, 5, 8, 26, 46, 121.

390pere, ed. Vittorio de Caprariis (Naples: Ricciardi, 19611, 435 (my emphasis].

40Francesco Guicciardini, The History of Italy, trans. Sidney Alexander (1969; New York: Collier, 19721, 49 (my emphasis].

41Cited in Gardner, 206.

42Cf. Michael Murrin's review of Marinelli's book in Italica 67 (1990): 466-69, where among those who reject the "dehistoricized Ariosto of De Sanctis and Croce" he finds a conflict between those who find an Ariosto of concord (Marinelli, Wiggins) and those for whom his skepticism is paramount (Quint, Ascoli). None of them is doing "a New Historical analysis [of]. . . the court, the role of the poet in that court, or fables of power."

43Cf. James Norhnberg, The Analogy of "The Faerie Queene," (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 19761, 18. 44~ue

studi critici: Ariosto e Foscolo (Rome: Bulzoni, 19781, 11. 45Peter DeSa Wiggins, The Satires of Ludovico Ariosto: A Renaissance Autobiog- raphy (Athens, Ohio: Ohio University Press, 19761, xx. 46~ohnAddington Symonds, The Renaissance in Italy: Italian Literature (New York: Scribner's, 19041, I:442. 47Michel Foucault, The History of Sexuality: An Introduction, trans. Robert Hur- ley, 3 vols. (New York: Pantheon Books, 19781, 1:92. 48"Dispersion and (Re) Integration: Ariosto's I Suppositi and Archetypal Modes of Early Sixteenth-Century Italian Comedy," [MRS 16 (1986): 197-212.

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